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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at|http : //books . google . com/| ^H • i^^^l 1 >*.. 1 1^' lf»>\ • 1- ^ -J mMAa- IUa.(U/V>iW' * /pHE TOWN AND CITY OF WATERBURY, ^ CONNECTICUT. FROM THE ABORIGINAL PERIOD TO THE YEAR EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND NINETY-FIVE. EDITED BY JOSEPH ANDERSON, D. D. 0 VOLUME I. BY SARAH J. PRICHARD AND OTHERS. NEW HAVEN : THE PRICE & LEE COMPANY. 1896. lOAN STACK Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1896, By the price & LEE COMPANY, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. PREFACE. THE publication of a new History of Waterbury was first seriously considered by the firm of Price, Lee & Co. in the summer of 1887. The undersigned was invited at that time to take in hand the preparation of such a work, but felt compelled to decline the task. He gave to the publishers, however, the names of two writers whom he regarded as well fitted for the work, and in September the following notice appeared in the public prints: "Price, Lee & Co. of New Haven announce that their His- tory of Waterbury is in course of preparation, — the first hundred years in charge of Miss Sarah J. Prichard, and the last hundred years in charge of Miss Anna L. Ward." More than a year after this (on November 16, 1888) the firm issued a circular, in which, after referring to the publication of Bronson's History in 1858 and to the remarkable development of Waterbury since then, and expressing the conviction that the time had come for a new history of the town and city, they announced that arrangements had been completed for the preparation of such a work, and solicited the cooperation of those interested in the subject. In addition to Miss Prichard and Miss Ward, "the Rev. Dr. Joseph Anderson, the Hon. F. J. Kingsbury and Mr. H, F. Bassett " were mentioned as having been engaged to contribute chapters upon special topics or periods. From that time until now the work has been going forward with but little interruption, and in addition to those already mentioned several other writers have been enlisted, as indicated in the table of contents. Up to the date of the issue of the circular just referred to, but little had been done toward putting on record the history of Water- bury. Interesting references to the town had occasionally been made by the early writers, as for example by President Timothy Dwight in his "Travels in New England and New York"; Barber in his " Historical Collections," in 1836, had devoted to it an enter- taining chapter (prepared, by the way, by Judge Bennet Bronson); Charles Burton had published in the National Magazine^ in 1857, his articles on the " Valley of the Naugatuck," two of them relating to Waterbury; Orcutt had issued in 1875 his "History of Wolcott," covering an important section of the old town; biographies of Waterbury men had appeared in such works as the " Biographical 566 iv PREFACE, Encyclopedia of Connecticut and Rhode Island," and the " Repre- sentative Manufacturers of New England," and in the Leaven- worth, the Benedict, the Terry and the Hoadley genealogies; special subjects had been touched upon in such books or pamphlets as those of Chauncey Jerome and Henry Terry on clock making, and those by Messrs. Kingsbury and Anderson enumerated on pages 959-962 of our second volume; the Waterbury Almanac, begun in 1853, had garnered from year to year, so long as its issue con- tinued, the facts not only of the passing time but of the earlier days; the newspapers, for nearly half a century, had been making their daily or weekly record, and — most important of all — Dr. Bronson had published his History, embodying in it materials derived by his father from documents that have entirely disap- peared. But Dr. Bronson's work was completed within five years after Waterbury became a city, and was practically limited in its scope to the period that closes with the Revolutionary war. His account of " manufacturing in Waterbury," for instance, fills less than four pages. There was a clear field for the modern historian, and much interesting material in reference to the earlier times which had not yet been made use of. The claim of the circular, that in view of the rapid growth of Waterbury, the " marvellous development of the industries by which it has became known throughout the world," and the additional facts concerning its earlier period that had come to light, the time had arrived for a new his- tory of the town and city, seemed fully justified. The plan of the work, as indicated fiiom the start, contemplated a book divided into two volumes, embracing about a century each. After a time the accumulation of materials for the modern period was so great that it became necessary that as much as possible should be crowded into the first volume. The line separating the two volumes was accordingly drawn through 1825, the year of the organization of Waterbury as a borough, and this involved the division of the history of the First church, of St. John's parish and the cemeteries of the town into two parts, the earlier of which is to be found in Volume I and the later in Volume III. A recognition of the successive territorial partitions of the original township involved our including in our scheme the history of Watertown and Plymouth to 1780, of Wolcott to 1796, of Middle- bury to 1807, of Prospect to 1826 and of Naugatuck to 1844. The earlier history of these derivative towns is covered substantially by the narrative in Volume I, the only important exception being the history of Salem society (now Naugatuck) from the Revolution to its incorporation as a town, which it seemed best to leave, with PREFACE, V the exception of the Salem church, to some future historian to reproduce on a scale commensurate with its importance. The narrative of the colonial and revolutionary periods is the result of an independent study by Miss Prichard of the original sources, including documents that have come to light since Dr. Bronson's History was written. This study was pursued with but little reference to Bronson, although the value of his labors was known from the beginning. It ought to be understood, however, that it was not the purpose of the author or the editor to super- sede the earlier work ; on the contrary, certain subjects to which Bronson devoted special attention are in this History passed over lightly for that reason. It may be added that Dr. Bronson, to the hour of his death, was deeply interested in the present enterprise. The outline given at the opening of the second volume indicates the largeness of the plan upon which the modern history of the town and city was projected. It has been carried out with a ful- ness of detail hardly anticipated even by the editor when he prepared the schedule of topics for the guidance of his collabora- tors. It is therefore safe to say that this History is more extended in its scope and more exhaustive in details than any town history thus far published. This is made evident in the treatment given to the several departments of the city government, and to special topics not heretofore included in local histories, as shown in the chapters on street names, corporations, inventors and their patents, college graduates, philanthropic institutions, amusements and fraternities. While the fact has never been lost sight of that Waterbury is a great manufacturing centre, while the manufactories and the men who have controlled them have had justice done to them, at the same time a serious effort has been made to represent the many other phases of the life of a prosperous modem city. By following a plan constructed with some reference to modem sociology, the History has become almost cyclopaedic in its character, and instead of being, as the prospectus proposed, a work " in two volumes, of about 500 pages each," has grown into three volumes, with a total of 2250 pages. The liberality of the publishers in furnishing to subscribers so much more than was promised deserves to be recog- nized here, and this may serve at the same time as an explanation of the delay in the completion of the work. In view of the attention given to details, the casual reader will be surprised at certain omissions and discrepancies which he is likely to discover. The probability of the occurrence of error is increased in any work when it is accomplished by collaboration. But in the present case the chief explanation of omissions and vi PREFACE. irregularities is to be found in the lack of cooperation on the part of the public. For the earlier history of the town the sources are of course documentary, and were therefore at the command of the author. For the later history resort must be had to living men, as individuals or as official representatives of organizations, and in many instances repeated appeals had to be made in order to secure a satisfactory statement of essential facts. If the amount of correspondence and of personal effort on the part of the compiler required to secure the data for some of our chapters could be known, it would serve as a revelation in regard to the indifference of the great majority to matters of history, and the difficulties that beset the local historian. Should omissions, then, be discovered, it may be that others than the compiler or the editor are to be blamed for them. It may be presumed at all events that omissions are not accidental, or the result of the want of a plan, but were allowed for some good reason. In the field of manufactures and trade, for example, it was found necessary to limit the record to corporations, and not to touch upon unincorporated business firms unless inci- dentally. There was of course no intention of slighting anybody or neglecting any " interest." In a work like this, one of the matters difficult to deal with is the biographical element. Who among the living or the dead shall be selected for biographical treatment? and who shall be omitted? In answering these questions it was found impossible to draw a line which any two persons could agree upon. It should be said, how- ever, that the classification and grouping of biographies under different departments naturally led to including persons who might otherwise have been omitted, while others, of no less value in the eyes of the community and in their influence upon it, were passed by. In some cases, in which a formal biography is not given, the significant facts of the life are mentioned incidentally, and can readily be discovered by help of the index. If some biographies seem needlessly long and others too brief, it must be remembered that most of the sketches were prepared from materials furnished by the persons themselves or by their relatives. A similar remark may be made in regard to the genealogical data. The appendix of " Family Records " in our first volume must be of the highest value from the genealogist's point of view, but our History, nevertheless, was not intended to be a genealogy, and makes no claim to be so considered. When, however, the names of a second or third gener- ation and the birth-dates of male children were furnished, especially in families fully identified with Waterbury, we put them on record almost as a matter of course. PREFACE, vii The authorship of our History affords a fine illustration of the modern tendency to cooperative work in literature. The original plan, which placed the first hundred years in charge of Miss Prichard and the second hundred years in charge of Miss Ward, has been substantially followed out, although in each volume a group of writers is represented. Miss Prichard, in pursuance of her task, after years of patient and loving research, contributed to the History an elaborate and vivid narrative covering the colonial and revolutionary periods, and prepared, in addition, chapters on the old highways, on early place-names, on the history of the First church and on the church in Salem society. The relation of her work to Dr. Bronson*s has been already referred to, but it would not be easy to set forth the entire newness of the picture she has painted, and the amount of well-established detail she has introduced into it. As we read her story, the Waterbury of the eighteenth century comes back to us, vital with the old colonial life and clothed at the same time in that rich and tender coloring which the past so naturally takes on at the magic touch of a pen like hers. From the nature of the case Miss Ward's work was entirely different. As already indicated, the sources she had to draw upon were living men and existing organizations, and much labor was required in securing the cooperation even of those who were them- selves subjects of the history. The newspapers of half a century had to be searched, an extended correspondence had to be carried on and personal interviews held, for the securing of materials, and after all this came a task of preliminary editorship, ere these materials could be handed over to the writers who were to prepare the several narratives. Such work can never secure the recognition it deserves, because it is work beneath the surface; but such work as this underlies our second and third volumes throughout, and without it our history of modern Waterbury could not have come into being. Miss Ward's relations to the people of the present time made her a representative, to a certain extent, of the business aspects of the publication, and in this field also she has exhibited decided ability. The numerous illustrations with which the book is adorned have been in her charge, and the elaborate index is the fruit of her skill in a field in which she is known as an expert. Among the collaborators there are two who ought to be specially mentioned because of the large amount of work done by them. One of these is Miss Katharine Prichard, who prepared with pains- taking labor the invaluable appendix containing a transcript, with important additions, of the records of the town in relation to births, viii PREFACE. marriages and deaths. The other is Mr. Kingsbury, who has not only written a number of chapters, but has served continually as a repository of genealogical and other facts, ever ready to be drawn upon and always reliable. The others who have cooperated in the production of the several narratives are designated in the table of contents prefixed to each volume. A helper who has, perhaps, done more for the work than is thus indicated is Benjamin F. Rowland, who has assisted Miss Prichard in following out many lines of re- search. Another is Professor David G. Porter. Another is Miss Mary De Forest Hotchkiss, whose services have been chiefly, but by no means exclusively, clerical. The editor takes the liberty of say- ing that he regards the men and women who have contributed to this History as constituting a corps of workers of exceptional ability — some of them filling the position of specialists in the fields in which they have labored. With so large a variety of authors, it was inevitable that there should be considerable diversity of style and treatment, and, as already suggested, occasional repetitions and contradictions. The diversity of style and treatment is probably an advantage. As for contradictions and repetitions, they have been eliminated, so far as a laborious editorial revision could accomplish this. The editor is not responsible for Miss Prichard's narrative, but only for its place in relation to the work as a whole. As for the other chapters, he has taken it upon himself to shape them with reference to a certain editorial standard, which included such minor matters as punctua- tion and capitalization, and the omission of the titles "Mr." and " Miss," and of the name of the state after places, when that state is Connecticut. It included also, within certain limits, the literary form of the chapters. That some parts of the History are brought down only to 1894 and others to the end of 1895 is explained by the fact that the work has been going through the press for two years. Many changes have taken place in the community in the meantime, the most important of which is probably the securing of a new charter for the city and the reorganization under it of the municipal depart- ments. (As the first volume was printed before the division into three volumes was decided upon, some of the references therein to Volume II should read ** Volume III.**) Since this work was first projected, several books and pamphlets have appeared, relating to the history of Waterbury. Among these are: " Waterbury and Her Industries," published in 1888; " Water- bury Illustrated," published by Adt & Brother in 1889; "The Book of the Riverside Cemetery," 1889; "Waterbury, its Location, Wealth, PREFACE. ix Finances, etc., published by the Board of Trade," 1890; "The Mili- tary History of Waterbury," 1891; "The Churches of Mattatuck," 1892, and " The History of New Haven County" (Volume II, Chapter XV) 1892. It is pleasant to note that all these, except the last, were prepared by writers belonging to our corps of collaborators, and were not designed to supersede this work or any part of it. A fact which ought not to pass without mention here is that sev- eral of those who have been engaged upon this work did not live to see it completed. Of the writers whose names appear in our table of contents four have finished their earthly course since the History was begun: Nathan Dikeman, Israel Holmes, 2nd, who died Feb- ruary 12, 1895, the Rev. J. H. Duggan, who died November 10, 1895, and Thomas S. Collier of New London. The widely-known en- graver, Alexander H. Ritchie, by whom most of the steel plate portraits in this History were executed, died September 20, 1895, in his seventy-fourth year. He was a native of Scotland, an artist in oil colors, and for twenty-five years a member of the National Academy of Design. He had frequently expressed a desire to com- plete this series of portraits, upon which he had been at work for seven years, and during his last illness had the satisfaction of knowing that his hope had been realized. It is to be added that Greorge S. Lester, who, as a representative of the publishers, was for some time closely connected with the History, and well-known in Waterbury, died on April 20, 1893. The editor ventures to say a word in conclusion in reference to his own work. It was understood at the outset that the three gentlemen mentioned in the prospectus should constitute a kind of editorial board, to whom the various doubtful questions likely to arise, as well as the general shaping of the work, should be sub- mitted. This position they have not abdicated and their advice has continually been sought, but as the work advanced, its editorial management devolved more and more upon the undersigned, and became by degrees a close supervision, extending not only to the general plan and outline but to innumerable details of form and arrangement, to say nothing of the composition of entire chapters of the narrative. The duty of supervision, which the editor thought of in advance as but little else than a pastime, proved for various reasons to be a prolonged and laborious task. The plan of the History was so extensive, and the standard adopted so high, that a much greater burden of labor came upon him than he antici- pated when he accepted the position. His professional duties, of course, could not be transferred, and this special work must there- fore be performed at odd times and during summer vacations and X PREFACE. in midnight hours. If it is not what it ought to be, he hopes that these facts may serve to explain deficiencies. Looking back over the past four years, he is inclined to appropriate as his own the quaint language of Anthony k Wood in the preface to his History of Oxford: "A painful work it is, I'll assure you, and more than difficult, — wherein what toyle hath been taken, as no man thinketh so no man believeth, except he hath made the trial." A "painful work," but a work that has had its pleasures; and not the least of these has been the close association into which it has brought the editor with the other workers in the same field. That it has also opened up to him a richer and more detailed knowledge of this noble old town, of which he has been a citizen for more than thirty years — a town remarkable for its strong men and for its marvel- lous development as an industrial centre — is something for which he cannot cease to be grateful. JOSEPH ANDERSON. Waterbury, February 22, 1896. CONTENTS OF VOLUME I. CHAPTKR PACB I. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS i By Homer F. Basset t, M. A. II. ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS. 14 By the Rev. Joseph Anderson, D, D, Also the three following chapters, III. INDIAN DEEDS AND SIGNATURES 26 IV. INDIAN GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. 39 V. STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK 56 VI. LONDON'S PLANTATION IN MASSACHUSETTS BAY, . 77 By Miss Sarah J, Prichard. This and the following chapters to Chapter XXXIV were written by Miss Prichard, VII. MASSACHUSETTS BAY'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTI- CUT, 91 VIII. CONNECTICUT'S PLANTATION AT MATTATUCK, . 116 IX. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION, 127 X. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION 144 XI. ORDERS OF THE ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE, . .150 XII. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION 158 XIIL MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION, 176 XIV. THE TOWNSHIP OF 1686, 185 XV. WATERBURY IN 1689 203 XVI. FROM 1685 to 1691, 215 XVII. THE FIRST CHURCH OF WATERBURY 224 XVIII. MEADOWS, ISLANDS AND HILLS. 237 XIX. DURING QUEEN ANNE'S WAR, 248 XX. THE SCOTT FAMILY 257 XXI. THE COMMON FENCE 264 XXII. TO THE CLOSE OF THE PROPRIETORS' REIGN, . . 277 XXIII. THE NEW INHABITANTS 292 XXIV. EARLY NORTHBURY 311 V « xii CONTENTS OF VOLUME 1. CHAPTBR PACK XXV. EARLY WESTBURY, 320 XXVI. EVENTS FROM 1732 TO 1741, . . - . 332 XXVII. THE SETTLEMENT AT JUDD'S MEADOWS, . , .342 XXVIII. LANDS HELD BY NON-RESIDENT OWNERS, . .353 XXIX. 1742- 1760 366 XXX. WATERBURY IN THE COLONIAL WARS 383 XXXI. WATERBURY'S LATER YEARS AS A COLONIAL TOWN. 398 XXXII. WATERBURY IN THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION, . 409 XXXIII. WATERBURY IN THE REVOLUTION. 433 XXXIV. WATERBURY IN THE REVOLUTION ... 445 XXXV. AN ERA OF RECONSTRUCTION. . . . . 488 By Arthur Reed Kimball. XXXVL LIFE IN THE AGE OF HOMESPUN. 520 By Mrs. Emily Goodrich Smith {with additions). XXXVII. OLD HIGHWAYS AND STREETS, 548 By Miss Sarah J, Prichard and Benjamin K How land. XXXVIII. OLD MILLS AND EARLY MANUFACTURES, . . 572 By the Hon. Frederick J. Kingsbury^ LL. D. XXXIX. THE EARLY SCHOOLS AND THE FIRST ACADEMY, . 592 By Miss Charlotte Benedict; the First Academy by the late Israel Holmes^ 2nd, XL. THE FIRST CHURCH TO 1825; ALSO THE CHURCH IN SALEM 601 By Miss S. J. Prichard {pp. 601-616; 640-646) and Dr. fosepk Anderson. The biography of Dr. Samuel Hopkins by Miss Benedict, XLI. THE EPISCOPAL PARISH TO 1830, 647 By F. J. Kingsbury, LL. D. XLII. BURYING GROUNDS AND TOLLING BELLS, . . .666 By Miss Katharine Prichard {pp. 666-63o) and Dr. Joseph Anderson. XLIIL ENGLISH PLACE NAMES OF MATTATUCK, . . .685 By Miss S. J. Prichard and Benjamin F. Howland. APPENDIX. FAMILY RECORDS pp. 1-166 By Miss Katharine Prichard. PORTRAITS IN THIS VOLUME. Anderson, Joseph, ON STEEL. Frontispiece. MISCELLANEOUS. Bronson, Alvin, Bronson, Josiab, Cook, Lemuel, Hopkins, Samuel, D. D., PACB 518 515 315 634 ILLUSTRATIONS IN THIS VOLUME. John Warner's staff, ....... Tree in the rock on the old Cheshire road, .... A western war-club, scalp-locks attached, and old Waterbury buttons marked " Scovills & Co. extra," ...... Pestle of Turkey hill Indians, ...... Indian pipes, ........ Implements found in Naugatuck, ...... Soapstone dish and chipped implements. Hospital bluff, Waterbury, . Dish, axes and *• Chungke stone," Waterbury, .... Specimens found near Bunker Hill, ..... Pestle and soapstone dish from Watertown, .... Toy implements from a child's grave, ..... Articles of agreement and association adopted by the planters of Mattatuck; first page, ........ Articles of agreement; second page, . . Articles of agreement; reverse, ...... The old Town Plot, ........ House lots of Mattatuck, 168 1, ...... Dr. Henry Bronson's map, ....... The oldest gravestone, ....... The Indian deed of February 20, 1684, ..... The Three Sisters, alias the Three Brothers, .... Waterbury township of 1686; view from Malmalick hill, ] Proprietors' book of record, 1677-1722, ..... Hop Meadow hill; the sections remaining in iEqi, Looking down upon Steel's meadow and plain, .... Pine meadow, looking southward from Reynolds bridge. Jericho rock and Buck's Meadow mountain, .... The Rock house ........ PAGE xiv 6 25 34 38 60 65 66 67 68 71 128 129 130 132 160 161 173 192 193 98, 199 216 241 242 243 244 259 XIV ILLUSTRATIONS. Steel's meadow along the river, Map of survey, 1715, Entrance of Beacon Hill brook into the Naugatuck river at the straits, House built by the Rev. John Tiumbull, The valley of '* the small river that comes through the straits Lebanon," .... Pac-simile of invitation to a ball, . House built by William Adams, Factory of J. M. L. & W. N. Scovill, 1835, Third house of worship of the First church, 1796 to 1840 Fac-simile of receipt given by Andrew Eliot, Fac simile of receipt given by Thomas Ruggles, St. John's church, 1795, Gravestone of Hannah Hopkins, . The Porter house at Union City, The house site of Ebenezer Richards, The old mill at Grey stone, . Some autographs of early settlers. P^CB • • 266 • 283 straits. 284 « 328 northward of • 543 y 538 • 562 • 574 • 614 • 624 • 625 • 657 • 668 • 715 • 717 • 718 • 168 Ap. JOHN WARNKR's staff. ^^///) means round. Dr. Trumbull calls attention to the fact that " a Patackhouse, sister of Nessahe- gen of Pequannoc, signed a deed to Windsor in 1665."! If Potucko lost his life (in the way indicated by tradition, or otherwise) between April and December, 1684, the substitution of his squaw's name for his in the later deed would readily be explained. Attention has already been called to the fact that while Moman- tow's squaw is named as one of the grantors in the deed of April, 1684, Momantow himself was among those who witnessed it. This would indicate that the wife had certain rights in the second grant of land in which the husband did not share. Whether this was the case with other squaws who are named in the deed as grantors, it is difficult to say; but this can hardly be the explanation of the substi- tution of Potucko's squaw for Potucko himself in the deed of Decem- ber, 1684, because the land therein described is substantially the *S€e Trumbuirs '* Indian Geographical Names," p. 27. t *' Indian Geographical Names," p. 57. In several of the Algonkin versions of the Lord^s prayer, Petukkentag ox woxci^ cognate word is used for "bread,'* meaning *' something round/' In the Mohegan dialect it is ^tqw>ffk: in the Virginia tuckahoe^ whence the modem " hoe-cake." Potucko^s name is perpetuated in another way in Waterbary — in Potucko Assembly (No. sag) of the ** Royal Society of Good Fellows," an insurance fraternity. 34 HISTORY OF WATEBBUBT, same as that which Potucko, with others, deeded ten years before. It is nevertheless true that a study of these names and relationships inevitably suggests that the grns^ as distinguished from the tribe, had come to be somehow recognized in the ownership of land as well as of personal property. The rule which (as we have seen) had become well established among the Aztecs may have begun to operate among the Indians of Connecticut. The only other names in the three Farmington deeds that require notice are Quatoquechuck, who has already been referred to as Taphow's son, and Hachatowsuck. This last name, under the form " Hatchetowset,*' occurs frequently in the Woodbury and Litchfield records, but evidently as designating another person. He is mentioned in the Litchfield Land Records as buying and selling land as late as 1736, and in 1741 he petitioned the General Court to help him to a division of the Indian lands at Pootatuck, at which date his eldest child was aged sixteen. It is evident from these facts that the Pootatuck Indian could not be identical with the signer of the deed of 1684. One who was sufficiently prominent at that date to stand second among the native " proprietors " of Mattatuck, would hardly be speculating in land fifty-two years afterward. Besides, there is no reason to doubt that the same name frequently belonged to persons of different tribes. If we could analyze Indian personal names, we should probably find it to be a matter of course I'BSTLB OF TURKEY HILL INDIANS.* (sEK NEXT I'AGE). that there should be a Hachetowsuck in the Tunxis tribe and an Atchetouset among the Pootatucks. But it illustrates the curious changes to which Indian names were subject on European lips, to * This " pestle *' was found in 1883, in a cave (afterward destroyed by quanryinfi:) at Turkey Hill, near Turkey Brook, Derby. It is 17 inches long and 2>^ by s^i inches in diameter at the middle. The mate- rial is a compact mica slate. It is worn smooth on one side, but not at the ends. INDIAN DEEDS AND SIGNATURES. 35 find that the Pootatuck Atchetouset, in his petition to the General Court, appears under the guise of ** Hatchet Tousey." Many years later a squaw of the Turkey Hill band, near Derby, bore the name of Moll Hatchet. She was said to have been so called from the fact that she habitually carried a hatchet with her; but the name seems to have belonged to her family and was very probably a remnant of some such genuine Indian name as Hatchetowsuck. In " Hatchet Tousey " the transformation may be seen taking place. When we turn to the deed given by the Paugasuck or Derby Indians, we find an entirely new set of names before us, represent- ing another and for the most part a distinct tribe. The names mentioned in the body of the deed, and at the end of it, are as follows : Awawus, Conquapatana, Curan, Cocapadous, Cocoeson, Tataracum, Kekasahum, Wenuntacun, Wechumunke, Weruncaske, Arumpiske and Notanumhke. Of the twelve persons thus desig- nated the first eight appear to have been men, the other four were women. Of the relations of the grantors to one another and to other Indians, there are some slight indications. Although the name of Awawus comes first in the list, it is Conquepatana who is designated "sagamore," that is, sachem.* But Awawus, as the position of his name indicates, must have been sufficiently promi- nent among the grantors to hold a representative place; for in a memorandum attached to the deed by Governor Robert Treat of Mil- ford, he calls him "the Indian proprietor." "Awawas, the Indian proprietor," he says, " appeared at my house and owned this deed above mentioned to be his act, and that he has signed and sealed to it." On the i8th of April, Conquepatana made a similar acknowl- edgment of the deed before the governor, "and said he knew what was in it, and said it was weregeny f The relation between the name *The impression is prevalent — based upon the positive statements of some of the earlier writers — that the terms " sachem" and *' sagamore" designated two distinct offices, the second inferior and subordinate to the first. But there seems to be no good ground for such a representation. Dr. J. H. Trumbull, in his edition of Roger Williams's ** Key," note 392, says that a comparison of the several forms of the word as found in different Algonkin dialects "establishes the identity of sachem with sagamore." In the Massachusetts vocabulary attached to Wood's *' New England's Prospect,'* published in 1635, sag- amore and sachem are said to be the same, although Wood says elsewhere (in the monarchical phraseology so generally adopted) that '*a king of large dominions hath his viceroys or inferior kings under him, to agitate his state affairs and keep his subjects in good decorum. Other offices there be," he adds, " but how to distin- guish them by name is something difficult " (p. 90, reprint of 1865). Daniel Gookin, on the other hand, writing about 1674, seems to make a difference between the two terms. He says, speaking of the Pequots : ** Their chief sachem held dominion over divers petty sagamores." (First Series Mass. His. Coll., vol. I. p. M7)- f W'eregen means "a good thing.''* In the form Wauregan the w^ord has been appropriated as the name of a manufacturing company and a village in eastern Connecticut. Dr. Trumbull ('* Indian Names,** p. 79) says: ** It was doubtless suggested by a line in Dr. Elisha Tracy's epitaph on Sam Uncas in the Mohcgan burying-ground in Norwich : ' For courage bold, for things wauregan He was the glory of Moheagon.* '* 36 HISTORY OF WATEEBUBT, of the sagamore and the fourth name in the list, Cocapadoush, is not apparent at first glance, but comes to view when we give them as they are given in another deed (April i, 1709), where they are written " Cockapotanah," and " Cockapotoch." The sagamore ig known in later records as Konkapot, and he who stands fourth in the list was Konkapot-oos, perhaps Little Konkapot. It may be worth while to mention in this connection that Konkapotanah lived until 1731, and that on June 28, 1711, he and his son "Tom Indian** deeded to the proprietors of Waterbury, for a consideration of twenty-five shillings, "a small piece of land" north of Derby bounds, west of the Naugatuck river, and south of Toantuck brook.* In a deed given by Nonnewaug and other Pootatuck Indians, in 1700, to the people of Woodbury, Konkapotana's son is included among the signers, and also another of the grantors we are just now considering, Wenuntacun; from which it would appear that close relationships existed between the Paugasucks and the Poota- tucks similar to those between the Paugasucks and the Tunxis. Of the other four men in our list, namely Curan and Cocoeson, two are represented not only personally, but by the women whose names follow. One of these, Arumpiske, is said to be Curan's squaw, and another, Notanumke, Curan's sister. The other two women, Wechumunke and Weruncaske, are designated as Cocoeson's sis- ters. By the mention of Cocoeson's sisters we are brought to a consid- eration of the relation of this fourth deed to the other Waterbury deeds, or rather, the relation of these Paugasuck Indians to the Farmington tribe in the ownership of Mattatuck territory. It has already been suggested that Wawowus of the second deed (April 29, 1684) was identical with Alwaush of the first. Is it not proba- ble that Awawus, whose name comes first in this Paugasuck deed — the " Indian proprietor " who appeared before Governor Treat — is the same person ? It is possible, too, that the Curan of this fourth deed is identical with Caran-chaquo, of the first, and the position of his name, between Conkapotana and Conkapotoos, suggests a relationship between him and them. But, however this may be, we * It would b« interesting to know whether there was any relation of kinship between Konkapotana and Captain Konkapot, who figures so prominently among the Stockbridge Indians of the upper Housatonic. A deed of the territory comprising the ** upper and lower Housatonic townships,'* made in ^1724, was signed by Konkapot and twenty others. He received his captain's commission from Governor Belcher, in 1734, was baptized in 1735, and died previous to 1770— one of the first fruits of the mission to the Housatonic Indians, of which the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, born in Waterbury, was the founder. The name is perpetuated in Konkapot river in North Canaan, and in Konkapot's brook in the southeast- em part of Stockbridge, Mass. This latter stream has become in the mouths of the people " Konk's brook," and latterly, with the help of " otosis " has been degraded into " Skunk's brook.'* Thus is the stately name of the sachem of the Paugasucks reduced to an offensive monosyllable! INDIAN DESDS AND SIGNATURES. 37 may feel certain that the sisters of Cocoeson mentioned here are identical with the " Cocoeson's sisters " who signed the deed of December 2, 1684. And this being the case, we are in a position to make still further identifications. We learn from the deed of December 2 that Cocoeson's sisters were James's daughters, and that one of them was Patucko's squaw and Atumtucko's mother. This establishes the fact, suggested by his name, that Atumtucko was Patucko's son; it also explains why, in the deed of 1674, Patucko "promised for James," and suggests to us that we are to look for this James among the Paugasucks. In a deed of 1659, by which the Paugasucks sold to Lieutenant Thomas Wheeler the land between the Housatonic and Naugatuck rivers, we find the name of " Pagasett James." It is almost impossible to avoid the conclusion that this Paugasuck James was the James who was the father of Cocoeson and his sisters, and that the sister who in the fourth deed is desig- nated a squaw, that is, Wechumunke, was Patucko's squaw and Atumtucko's mother. At the sale of December 2, it would appear that "Atumtoco's mother, Jemes's dafter," was not present, but was represented by the other sister^ Werumcaske. " Cockeweson's sister's dafter " is also mentioned as among the signers. It is impossible to say to what extent these twelve grantors were representative of the Paugasuck tribe, or whether there were any other connections by marriage between the Paugasucks and the Tunxis than the two deeds reveal to us. Besides, in attempting to interpret and estimate the very slight data afforded us, we must remember what has been said in regard to Indian systems of con- sanguinity, and the risk of our being misled by English terms, mis- takenly applied to Indian relationships. If our supply of facts were larger, we might find among the aboriginal proprietors of Mattatuck unquestionable evidence of the existence of the gens, of inheritance through the mother (as in so many of the Indian tribes), and of the descent of the sachemship not from father to son, but from uncle to nephew. Such facts as we have brought to view seem to point in that direction. The results of such an examination as this of old records must seem trifling and unsatisfactory. But it will be worth while to have labored over them if the aboriginal owners and occupants of Waterbury are thus brought more distinctly before us. It gives us a somewhat firmer hold upon these flitting forms of the wilderness to know their names and some of the ties which bound them to one another. We see them roaming the forests and threading their way along the river banks, and when the white man comes with his money and coats and axes and hoes we see them gathering from the " long 38 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. river "on the east and the Housatotiic on the south for a confer- ence and a sale, and after the deeds have been drawn up and signed, and marked with the red man's "marks," returning to their camping-grounds little aware of the meaning of the bargain they have made. When Governor Treat made his memorandum on the Pangasuck deed that Conquepatana had appeared before him and acknowledged it, he added that the sagamore "said he knew what was in it and said it was jveregen " [good]. But how little he knew ! How little he appreciated the far-reaching significance of the trans- action that had taken place a few weeks before on the banks of the Naugatuck. But it was a peaceable and friendly sale, and so were the others that had preceded it. The rival claimants were not hos- tile but friendly tribes, and the friendship of both of them for the white man remained unbroken to the end. ■hawk pipn o( .nM,M=,d.j.. Ui.o ckllcilcly tnera vcdiina. iu length perhips aliM I ii. drillioK iht h ok thmutrh the stem bowl, Th«.m •p«>>l>»o(.l>" The p.p. wilh (Me «id figure upon CHAPTER IV. ABORIGINAL PLACE-NAMES OF MATTATUCK — OBSOLETE NAMES IN THE PAUGASUCK DEED OF 1685 — NAMES WHICH STILL SURVIVE — NAMES, NOT INDIAN, CONTAINING REMINISCENCES OF INDIAN OCCUPANCY. OF the several deeds referred to in the preceding chapter, the fourth, given by the Paugasuck Indians on February 20, 1685, is of peculiar interest for two reasons— because of the vari- ous memoranda which accompany the signatures, and because of the remarkable list of Indian place-names which it contains. This deed conveys to the settlers of Mattatuck ** twenty parcels of land, by their names distinguished;" but the "parcels" were evidently small, and they are designated only by their Indian names, and with one or two exceptions are not "distinguished" otherwise. The names seem to have been recorded with unusual accuracy (as were also the personal names in the deed), and, taken as a whole, present an inviting but unproductive field for linguistic and topographical investigation. The tract conveyed lay on both sides of the Naugatuck river, so that the " twenty parcels of land " are in two groups. The eastern section is described as follows : "[i] Wecobemeas, the land upon the brook or small river that comes through the straits northward of Lebanon, and runs into Naugatuck river at south end of Mattatuck bounds, called by the English Beacon Hill brook, and [2] Pacowachuck or Asawacomuck, and [3] Watapecke, [4] Pacoquarocke, [5] Megunhuttake, [6] Mus- quanke, [7] Mamusqunke, [8] Squapnasutte, and [9] Wachu ; which nine parcels of land lie on the east side of Naugatuck river, south- ward from Mattatuck town ; which comprises all the land betwixt the forementioned river, or Beacon Hill brook, and the brook at the hither end of Judd's Meadows, called by the name Sqontk ; and from Naugatuck river to run eastward to Wallingford and New Haven bounds ; with all the lowland on the two brooks forementioned." And this is the account of the western section : "And other parcels on the west side; the first parcel called by the name Saracasks ; the rest as follow : [2] Petowtucke, [3] Weqarunsh, [4] Capage, [5] Cocumpasucke, [6] Mequenhuttocke, [7] Panootan, [8] Mattuckhott, [9] Cocacocks, [10] Quarasksucks, [11 J Towantucke ; and half the Cedar swamp, with the land adjacent from it eastward; which swamp lies northward of Quassapaug pond ; we say, to run 40 HISTORY OF WATERBURT, an east line from thence to Naugfatuck river ; all which parcels of land forementioned lying southward from the said line, and ex- tend or are comprised within the hutments following : From the forementioned swamp a straight line to be run to the middle of Towantucke pond (or the Cedar swamp a south line), which is the west bounds toward Woodbury, and an east line from Towan- tucke pond to be the butment south, and Naugatuck river the east butment, till we come to Achetaquopag or Warunscopage, and then to but upon the east side of the river upon the forementioned lands." The general outline of this tract of land — at any rate, of that division of it lying on the east side of the river — is not difficult to trace ; but to distinguish the ** twenty parcels," and to identify them at the present day, is quite impossible, and would probably be impossible even if we knew the meaning of their Indian names. The southern boundary of the eastern section is distinctly stated to be Beacon Hill brook, and the northern boundary "the brook at the hither end [that is, the northern end] of Judd's Meadows, called by the name Sqontk," which must be the stream known to-day as Fulling Mill brook, which empties into the Naugatuck at Union City. The limits of the western section are not clearly stated, but it seems to have been bounded on the north by a line running easterly from Cedar swamp (** which swamp lies northward of Quassapaug pond") to the river, and on the south by a line running from Towantuck pond to the river, and on the west by Woodbury. The west bank of the Naugatuck was to be the eastern boundary of the upper part of this western tract, but below Achetaquopag (or Warunscopag) it was " to abut upon the east side of the river, upon the forementioned lands." In other words, the native proprietors, claiming ownership on both sides of the river below Fulling Mill brook, claimed ownership also of the river itself. By observing closely the indications thus given, we are enabled to " locate " a few of these parcels of land with some certainty. We know " Towantuck " because the name has survived to the present day — the only one of these twenty names that has not become obsolete. The pond with which it is here connected, is now better known as Long Meadow pond (in Middlebury, near the Oxford line), but the name has become attached to a station on the New England railroad, and has also been selected as the designation of a " tribe" of the *^ Improved Order of Red Men," organized in Waterbury in 1892. We know also the land designated by the name " Wecobe- meas," because it is distinctly described as "the land upon the small river that comes through the straits northward of Lebanon INDIAN GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. 41 Improbably where Straitsville is now situated], called by the English Beacon Hill brook."* And there is another name, although not in- cluded among the twenty, which the language of the deed enables us to fix somewhat definitely. In the phrase, "the brook at the hither end of Judd's Meadows, called by the name Sqontk," the name seems to belong to the stream rather than the meadows, and in that case, as has already been said, represents the well-known Fulling Mill brook of the present day. If it refers to the meadows, its identity is equally well established. In this neighborhood, apparently, we must fix other two names. According to the inter- pretation already given, the eastern boundary of the tract on the west side of the Naugatuck was the west bank of that river down to a certain point, and below that the east bank of the river was the boundary. The point at which the boundary-line crossed the river is named " Achetaquopag or Warunscopage ;" and if the claim of the Paugasucks on the east side of the river was bounded on the north by Fulling Mill brook, as seems evident, then must the spot designated by these two names have been near the mouth of that brook. Whether the " Copage " which is mentioned among the twenty parcels of land is identical with one or both of these, must be considered further on. Of the other names in the list of twenty there is none that can be positively identified, and only a few whose meaning can be ascertained with any certainty. Foremost among these is "Wachu," the ninth name in the first group. Wadchu always means mountain or hill, and we should, as a matter of course, connect it with Beacon Mountain, were it not for the indications in the deed that Beacon Hill brook, which flows north of it, was the southern limit of the eastern tract. There are other heights on the east side of the river in that vicinity, but none to which the name ** Wachu " could be so fittingly applied. Although there is nothing in the deeds to help us to further identifications, there are, never- theless, two or three points worth noticing. There is, for instance, a " Megunhuttake " (Mequenhuttocke) in both groups of names ; but it does not follow that there were two distinct and widely separated parcels of land thus designated ; the name was doubtless applied to a tract bordering on the river and extending along both banks. A connection between "Copage," which stands fourth in the second *}. W. Barber, writing in 1836, or earlier, says: ''About fourteen miles from New Haven the main road to Waterbury passes by Beacon Mountain, a rude ridge of almost naked rock, stretching southwest. At this place is Collins's tavern, long known as an excellent public house, and the Straitsville post office. About half a mile south of Mr. Collins's the road passes through a narrow defile formed by a gap in the mountain [doubtless the ** straits" referred to in the deed], barely sufficient in width for a road and a small but sprightly brook which winds through the narrow passage. On both sides the cliffs are lofty, particularly on the west ; on the east, at a little distance from the road, they overhang in a threatening manner." (*' Con- necticut Historical Collections," p. x86, fi^t edition). 42 HISTORY OF WATEBBURT. group, and the two names " Achetacopag " and " Warunscopag " has* already been suggested. The close connection between the sixth and seventh names in the first group—" Musquanke " and " Mamus- qunke " — is obvious ; and the same is true, so far as the structure of the words is concerned, of " Pacowachuck " and " Pacoquarocke." The piece of land known as " Pacowachuck " was known also by another name entirely different, " Asawacomuck." As regards the meanings of these names, it would be interesting to know them, even if the places to which they belonged could not be identified. Every Indian name had a meaning, and was "so framed as to convey that meaning with precision ; " every place- name "described the locality to which it was affixed."* But the names in the list before us are in the Quiripi dialect, and do not readily lend themselves to any such analysis as can now be made. The most that can be done is to throw out a few suggestions and to adduce an occasional parallel. The first name in the list of twenty— "Wecobemeas" — bears a close resemblance to "Wecuppeemee," the name of a small river in Bethlehem and Woodbury, one of the three streams which unite to form the Pomperaug. The stream seems to have derived its name from an Indian chief (Wickapema, Weekpemes) who is on record as a witness to certain Woodbury deeds. The name means "bass- wood" or "linden." But whether Wecuppeemee, the chief, called himself "the Linden," or was so denominated by the English because he lived at a place where lindens grew, is, as Dr. Trumbull remarks, doubtful. The name which in Woodbury is connected with a stream is applied in the list before us to "the land upon Beacon Hill brook." It probably designated a spot where bass- wood trees grew, and which could easily be distinguished in this way. In the second name, " Pacowachuck," one readily recognizes wachu, "mountain" or "hill," as a component part, and \i paco is a variation of pahque^ as it frequently is, the entire word must mean "at the clear (or open) mountain," and the reference must be to some hill divested of woods. A similar analysis would give us as the meaning of Pacoquaroke " clear long place," referring perhaps to some strip of meadow on the river-bank, or some smooth place in the river itself. The alternative designation of "Pacowachuck," which is " Asawacomuck " (ashaway - commok) seems to mean "an enclosed place between." In the name " Musquanke " a resemblance may be traced to Massacunnock {Mas/iequanoke), the Indian name of Falcon Island, south of Guilford, which means " place of fish-hawks," * Dr. Trumbull, " Composition of Indian Geographical Names," in V^ol. II. of " Collections of the Conn. His. Society," pp. 3, 4. INDIAN OEOORAPHWAL NAMES. 43 or the root of the name may be m'squammaug^ meaning "red fish," that is, salmon. But the name ** Mamusquunke " which is associated with the other, suggests a derivation different from both of these. In the third name on the west side of the river, " Wequarunsh," the prefix wequa is a familiar one, meaning "at the end," and thence "a point." It is possible that in the remainder of the word we have the inseparable generic - ^w/j>& ("a standing rock"), in which case the name would mean "at the end of the ledge," or would designate some place or point with an "upright rock at the end."* In "Pan- ootan," one can hardly help suspecting that the n of the first sylla- ble ought to have been written «, in which case we should find in the word a reminder of our old friend Powhattan and the " falls " which gave him his name.f Pauat-han means "falls in a rapid stream ;" but whether there are falls or even rapids in the Nauga- tuck, within the limits indicated by the deed, of sufl&cient import- ance to justify such an appellation, may be open to question. In the name which follows this, " Mattuckhott," the first syllable may represent matta^ "without," which appears again in "Mattatuck," or the whole word may stand for nCtugk-ut^ meaning "at the tree." The only other name of the twenty, of which anything definite can be said is "Capage." It is substantially the same as Cupheag, the old name of Stratford, (the same as Quebec also) and means " a place shut in," "narrows" or "a cove." The writer of this chapter suggested, in the Rev. Samuel Orcutt's "History of Derby," J that the name designated "possibly the narrows in the river at Beacon hill." If this "Capage" is identical with the copage in "Acheta- quopag or Warunscopage " — the point at which the eastern bound- ary line crossed the Naugatuck — then must we locate it at the north- ern rather than the southern end of the eastern section of the Paugasuck grant — that is, at Fulling Mill brook, rather than at Beacon hill. But there is no good reason for insisting on their identity. As for "Warunscopage," perhaps we have here a personal name associated with a place-name in a quite unusual way. Among the signers of the deeds given to Waterbury, Warun Compound holds a leading place. May not this spot at which the boundary line crossed the river have been known as Warun's Copage ? and in *In the a]^eeraent made May 22, 1674, between New Haven, Milford, Branford and Wallingford wiih reference to their bounds, in the memorandum attached to the New Haven and Milford section, we read of ^*a straij^ht line up into the country, which line shall run upon the rock or stone called 'the beacon,* which lieth upon the upper end of the hill called Heacon hill, and from thence to the end of the bounds" (Conn. Col. Records, Vol. Ill, p. 233). t See p. 32. X *• Indian Names of Places," pp. xciii— xcvii. of Orcutt's " Derby ;" see also Dr. Trumbull's " Indian Geographical Names," pp. 8, 23. 44 HISTORY OF WATERS UR7. Acheta-copag may we not recognize another of our signers, Achetowsuck ? These, however, are mere possibilities.* In our interpretation of the deed, we have brought these last mentioned names into close association with " Sqontk," a name attached, apparently, to "the brook at the hither end of Judd's Meadows," which we^have identified as Fulling Mill brook. The name, "Squaniuck," is attached to a tract of land on the east bank of the Housatonic river, at the mouth of Four Mile brook, in Sey- mour, and to a settlement of a dozen houses at that point. In a Derby deed of 1678 it is described as "a certain tract called and known as Wesquantook and Rockhouse hill," whence it appears that ** Squantuck" is an abbreviated form of the original name, the meaning of which. Dr. Trumbull says, "is not ascertained.** It is doubtful whether the name "Sqontk," which we have connected with Fulling Mill brook, is to •be considered etymologically the same as the Squantuck in Seymour, or is rather to be identified with Scantic, the name of a stream in another part of the state — between East and South Windsor. The latter Dr. Trumbull derives from peska-tuk, "where the river branches'* — a meaning which would be sufficiently applicable to the place at which Fulling Mill brook empties into the Naugatuck. In this connection it is worthy of remark that in Pierson's Catechism, which represents the dialect of the Paugasuck Indians, the word squanta is used as the rendering for "gates.** t We have given our attention thus far to the obsolete place- names in the Paugasuck deed. But besides these, and besides " Towantuck,*' to which reference has been made, there are other geographical names mentioned here, which are by no means obsolete, but are in daily use and have attained to no little import- ance. These are " Naugatuck '* and " Quassapaug," and we may add " Mattatuck.** " Mattatuck " is mentioned in the deed, first as the name of the "township** which the grantees represent, and secondly, as an alter- native name of the river. The stream which was known in the lower part of its course as the Naugatuck, was known further north as the Mattatuck, and afterward also as the Waterbury river. By the help of early records, the history of the name can readily be * By mistake of the copyist, the name Waninscopage appears in the Waterbury Land Records as Marusco- pag, the initial W having been taken for an M. In this incorrect form it was transferred to the list in Orcutt's " History of Derby," p. xcv, and thence into Dr. Trumbull's " Indian Geographical Names/' pp. 3, 8, 23. In the original deed (the discovery of which is referred to elsewhere) the name is plainly ** Wanins- copage.*' In the list in Orcutt's ** Derby," the name Quarasksucks— the nineteenth in our list of twenty — was given as " Gawuskesucks," having been incorrectly deciphered. t ** Some Helps for the Indians/' p. 65 of Dr. Trumbull's reprint. JNDIAN QEOORAPHIGAL NAMES, 45 traced. Its first occurrence is in the deed of February 8, 1657-8, already referred to, by which certain lands in the upper part of the Naugatuck valley were granted to William Lewis and Samuel vSteele, of Farmington. The deed reads, " A parcel or tract of land called * Matetacoke,' that is to say, the hill from whence John Stanley and John Andrews brought the black lead, and all the land within eight mile of that hill on either side." " Matetacoke " evidently stands for Matuhtugk-ohke^ meaning a "place without trees," and was probably an accurate description of the hill referred to, or of some spot in its neighborhood. If applied to a hill, it must have been a bare and treeless hill, and might with equal propriety have been described by the name " Pacowachuck," referred to above. The next occurrence of the name is fifteen years subsequent to the deed to Lewis and Steele. It is in a document embodying the report of a committee of the General Court sent out in behalf of the people of Farmington to inquire in regard to a place for a new settlement in the Naugatuck valley. They say they " have been to view Matituc oocke in reference to a plantation," and "do judge it capable of the same." The Farmington people immediately petitioned the Court for permission to make a settlement, and in their petition they speak of " having found out a tract at a place called by the Indians Matitacoocke^ which we apprehend may sufficiently accommodate to make a small plantation." As the reference here is unquestionably to the meadows of Waterbury, we must suppose that an Indian name belonging to a place a number of miles further up the river was used by a kind of accommodation, or that during the interval of fifteen years the scope of the name had been gradually enlarging until in popular use it covered the entire region, or else that the same name was independently given to two distinct localities — to the place where the black lead was found, because it was a bare and treeless hill, and to the Waterbury meadows for a similar reason, because they were destitute of trees. Since every Indian place- name was a description of the locality to which it was affixed, such a coincidence as this might easily happen. In each instance of its occurrence thus far, the name appears in its larger form, terminating in oke or oocke. It occurs in this form in the petition to the General Court in October, 1673. But in the record of the action of the Court on this petition, the name is given in the shortened form, " Mattatock," and this form came immedi- ately into use. The committee appointed to explore the region speak in their report, made in April, 1674, of having "viewed the lands upon the Mattatuck river," and in the record of the Court, May 18, the expression used is "a plantation at Mattatuck." From 46 HISTORY OF WATEHBURY. this time onward until 1686, the place and also the river were known by this name. In the records for May 13, 1675, we read of "the new town going up at Mattatuck," and a little further on, Mattatuck is mentioned in connection with Derby and Woodbury (whose names had recently been changed) and Pottatock and Wyantenuck (whose names were afterward changed to Southbury and New Milford) as towns whose boundaries required to be immediately ascertained and established. In the record for May 15, 1686, we read : "This Court grants that .Mattatuck shall be and belong to the County of Hartford; and the name of the plantation shall be for the futuie Waterbury. ''* Although " Mattatuck " was not retained as the name of the town, and has been superseded by " Naugatuck " as the name of the river, nevertheless it has not become extinct. It was duplicated on Long Island as early as 1658,! and survives there, in the form "Mat- tituck," as the name of a pleasant little village, situated between Long Island sound and Great Peconic bay. It has survived also in the upper part of the Naugatuck valley almost to the present time ; at all events, it was customary a few years ago to speak of East Litchfield as Mattatuck. The name is attached to a street in the city of Waterbury — that which runs northward from West Main street along the eastern channel of the Naugatuck river ; also to a local Historical society, organized in 1878, which has for its field the territory embraced within the ancient town. The "Mattatuck Manufacturing company," established in 1847, has become extinct; but the name is connected with other organizations. There is a Mattatuck Council of the "Royal Arcanum" (an insurance frater- nity), and a Mattatuck Drum Corps. The name occurs, finally, in the title of a book published in 1892 — "The Churches of Mattatuck" — which contains the record of the celebration of the bi-centenary of the First church in Waterbury (November 4 and 5, 1891), with sketches of all the Congregational churches within the ancient domain. The name " Naugatuck," which appears in the Paugasuck deed as the established designation of the Mattatuck river, was originally used in a very restricted sense, but is now the most frequently ♦Conn. Col. Records, Vol, II, pp. 210, 224, 249, 253; Vol. Ill, p. 197. According to Dr. Bronson (*' History of Waterbury," p. 67), the new name was selected as descriptive. ** The new town took its name of Waterbury on account of its numerous rivers, rivulets, ponds, swamps, * boggy meadows' and wet lands." '* It is a pity," adds Dr. Bronson, *' that the beautiful old Indian name * Mattatuck ' was not retained. But our Puritan ancestors regarded these native words as heathenish, and were in haste to discard and forget them.*' t New Haven Col. Records, Vol. II, pp. 233, 302, 462, 463: "A parcel of land called Mattatuck and Akkabawke" [Aquebogue]. INDIAN QEOORAPHICAL NAMES, 47 mentioned and most widely known of all the aboriginal names in the valley. The first instance of its occurrence is in the Records of the Jurisdiction of New Haven for May 27, 1657. Among the conditions proposed by the inhabitants of Paugasuck, upon which they were willing to "submit themselves to the Jurisdiction," the first was in these words : " That they have liberty to buy the Indians' land, behind them, that is over Naugatuck river, and not toward New Haven bounds, and also above them northward, up into the coun- try/'* In a deed to Thomas Wheeler, the same year, the name occurs again ; and again in a deed to Joseph Hawley and Henry Tomlinson, of Stratford, August 16, 1668, and frequently afterward in the Derby records and the colonial records of New Haven and Connecticut. This was the name by which the river was known in the lower part of the valley. Yet in a report made to the General Court by a Derby and Mattatuck committee, in May, 1680, it is designated once as " Mattatock river,*' and twice as the ** Nagotock or Mattatock." When the plantation of Mattatuck became the town of Waterbury, the name Waterbury was also applied to the river, but did not retain its hold upon it.f Of course it is impossible to say at what date the name " Naugatuck '* achieved a complete vic- tory, but it appears to have had the field to itself for more than a hundred years past. And being used to designate the river, it came to be applied as a matter of course to the valley through which the river flows. This was the only use of the name until 1844, when it was adopted as the name of a new town. At the May session of the General Assembly in that year, that part of Waterbury embraced within the society of Salem, with portions of Bethany and Oxford, was " incorporated as a distinct town, by the name of Naugatuck." \ A year later (May, 1845), the legislature incorporated the ** Nauga- tuck Railroad company," and from that time the old aboriginal name became a household word to thousands who might not other- wise have known it. Besides the larger uses of the name thus far indicated, it is applied to several organizations in the town of Naugatuck. These are the Naugatuck Electric Light company, the Naugatuck Electric * New Haven Col. Records, Vol. II, p. 223. t For example, in the petition of the people of Westbury (afterward Watertown) for " winter privileges," in October, 1733, they speak of being separated from the meeting-house by '^ a great river which is called Waterbury river, which for great part of the winter and spring is not passable." In the Litchfield records this is the name generally used. $ Resolutions and Private Acts, pp. 86-89. Dr. Bronson says, in his "History of Waterbury," p. 67 : " Our friends down the river showed their good sense when they called their new town Naugatuck (another beautiful name)— where the second settlement in the vallcv was made." 48 HISTORY OF WATERBUR7. Time company, the Naugatuck Malleable Iron company, the Nauga- tuck Water company, and the Naugatuck Musical Union. It may be added that since 1870, the name "Naugatuck Valley" has been applied to a newspaper — the " Sentinel," published at Ansonia. In 1879 the same designation was given to a newly organized Associ- ation of Congregational ministers, and in 1883 to a new Conference of Congregational churches. As regards the meaning of this name, the traditional derivation is given in Dr. Bronson's "History of Waterbury."* Naukotunk^ the original form of the word, is there said to mean " one large tree,'* and to have been the original name of Humphreysville (now Sey- mour), which was so called from a large tree formerly standing near Rock Rimmon at Seymour. The same derivation is given in a letter from Stiles French of Northampton, Mass., formerly of Sey- mour, who received it from the Rev. Smith Dayton, whose authority was Eunice Mauwee, the daughter of " Chuce." Mr. French says : " She told Mr. Dayton that the name Naugatuck meant * one big tree,* and was pronounced by the Indians Naw-ka-tunk. This * one big tree' stood about where the Copper works in Seymour now are, and afforded the Indians a shade when they came to the Rimmon falls to fish." This tradition is apparently direct and authentic. It was probably the foundation for the statement of Mr. J. W. DeForest (a native of Seymour) in the preface to his " History of the Indians of Connecticut," that " Naugatuck was not anciently the name of the river to which it is now attached, but of a place on the banks of that river." In Mr. DeForest's brief list of words in the Naugatuck dialect the word for "tree" is tookh ; in Pierson's Catechism it is p'tuk. The usual form in the vocabularies is mihtuck or mektug, but the initial m does not belong to the root. The last syllable of Nauga-tuck may therefore very well stand for "tree/* but the remainder of it is not so easily identified. Dr. Trumbull accepts the traditional derivation, /Mr«^£7/-/««^>^, meaning "one tree;" but in so doing he seems to disregard an important verbal distinc- tion upon which he has elsewhere laid stress. f There is documentary ♦ p. 15, note. A writer in the " Watcrbury American" of May i, 1879, mentions two entirely distinct interpretations which he has met with : '* Some say that ' Naugatuck ' means ' rushing water,' others, * beauti- ful vale.* '* There is no foundation for either of these. + In his reprint of Roger Williams's " Key,'' Dr. Trumbull says: " The primary signification of nquit seems to be * first in order,'— the beginning of a series or of progression not yet rDmpleted ; while pavasuck denotes ' one by itself,' a unit, without reference to a series ; " and this seems to be sustained by Pierson's Catechism, which translates, '" first " by negonne, but when it refers to the '* one true God " renders "one" hy pasuk. (Trumbull's *' Indian names," p. 36; Williams's "Key into the Indian Language of America," Trumbull's reprint, p. 50; " Some Helps to the Indians,'^ pp. 11, 13.) One would suppose that if the distinction was ever a real one, it would be made in such a case as this, that i«, in designating a well known and apparently isolated tree. INDIAN QEOQRAPHIGAL NAMES. 49 evidence to sustain the statement that "Naugatuck" was at first not the name of the river, but of a place on the river ; for in the report of a committee appointed by the General Court (February, 1676) "to order the settlement of the lands at Derby," we meet with the expression, "the river that cometh from Nawgatuck." The phrase reveals the process by which the place-name, more than twenty years before this, had come to be attached to the river. But whether the derivation of the name received from the Squaw Eunice, a hundred and fifty years later, was anything better than an etymological venture on her part, is perhaps an open question. Dr. Jonathan Edwards, in hi^ " Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians," informs us that the Indian name of Stock- bridge, Mass., was WnogquetookokCy and Dr. Trumbull says that this means a " bend-of -the-river place." In view of the decided bend in the river at Seymour, why may we not suppose that it is this that is represented in the name "Naugatuck," rather than some tree standing by itself — especially when Naukot-tungk would have meant not "a single tree," but one of a series of trees? Waiving this objection, we should have had in the one case Naukot-tungk-oke, and in the other, Wnogko-tuck-oke, The oke is dropped in either case, and there are numerous instances of the dropping of the slight sound represented by the initial W, In a Derby deed dated April 22^ 1678, "the fishing place at Naugatuck" is definitely mentioned; and there can be no doubt that this ancient "Naugatuck "which gave the river its name, was at or near the spot where Seymour now stands. But it is quite as likely to have been designated the " fishing-place at the bend in the river," as " the fishing-place at the one tree." When "Chuce" went there, with his band, about 1720, it was the only piece of land in the town of Derby which the Indians had not sold. Because of its value as a " fishing place " they clung to it to the last. Another geographical name found in the Paugasuck deed is "Quassapaug" — applied to the beautiful lake which lies just west of the western boundary of Mattatuck, part of it in Middlebury and part in Woodbury. In a Woodbury deed of October 30, 1687, it is spoken of as " the pond called and commonly known by the name Quassapaug," and the eastern boundary of the town is said to be " four score rod eastward of the easternmost of the pond." Although it does not lie within Waterbury territory, it has long been a place of resort for Waterbury people, and its name is mentioned more frequently, perhaps, than any other of the aboriginal names belong- ing to the region. It is drained by the Quassapaug river, or Eight Mile brook, which empties into the Housatonic at Punkups. Mr. 4 so BISTORT OF WATEBBURY, William Cothren, in his "History of Woodbury," speaking- of Captain John Miner, says : " To the lovely lake on the eastern borders he applied the name Quassapaug, or * The Beautiful Clear Water.' This pleasant sheet of water, so cosily nestling among the verdant hills, furnished one of the first fishing places to the new settlers, cut off as they were from the seaboard by the bound- less forests lying between them and the sea." On a subsequent page, Mr. Cothren suggests another interpretation of the name — "Rocky pond"* — on the supposition that the first two syllables represent qussuky meaning "rock" or "stone." But this word for " rock," Dr. Trumbull says, is seldom, perhaps never, found in local names, the " inseparable generic " - omfsk being used instead. Be- sides, there would seem to be no special appropriateness in such a designation. In regard to the meaning of paug there can be no doubt. It denotes "water place" {pe-auke)y is used for "water at rest," or "standing" as distinguished from "flowing" water, and is a frequent component of names of small lakes and ponds throughout New England.f But the proper interpretation of the first part of the word is somewhat uncertain. The Rev. Azel Backus, in 1812, in his " Account of Bethlem," interpreted the name as signifying " Little pond," apparently deriving it from okosse-paug; but in Dr. Trumbull s judgment "he certainly was wrong;" for " Quassapaug is not a small, but the largest pond in that region." The author of this chapter, in his list of place-names in the Rev. Samuel Orcutt's " History of Derby," suggested that the name might possibly represent quunnosu-paug^ that is, " Pickerel pond," and found incidental support for this opinion in Mr. Cothren's refer- ence to the good fishing which the lake furnished to the early settlers. Dr. Trumbull, in his " Indian Names of Places in Connec- ticut," rejects this interpretation (but on insufficient grounds) and proposes another. J He says it " may have been denominated k'che- paug^ that is, * greatest pond' — a name easily corrupted to Quassa- paug.'* Such a change does not seem an "easy" one, but there is documentary evidence in support of this interpretation. In a report concerning boundaries, made by the agents of Woodbury and Matta- * Colhren's Woodbury, pp. 844, 877. tDr. TrumbuU's "Composition of Indian Geographical Names," p. 15. t He says : '^ Dr. Anderson, in Orcutt's ** Derby,'* proposes qunnosu-paugy ' pickerel pond,* to which the only objection is that after names of fish, maugy 'fishing place,' was used, instead of Paug^ *pond,' or tuck^ * river.' " But if Noosup-paugy '* Beaver pond,** is allowable (see p. 40), why not QuunnosH-^augf Besides, in his paper on the " Composition of Indian Geographical Names," Dr. Trumbull suggests the very analysis which is here proposed. He says (p. 43) : ** Quinshepaug or Quonshapaug^ in Mendon, Mass., seems to denote a * pickerel pond ' {quMnasu-paug).^* The opinion expressed in his ** Indian Names in Con- necticut " may be the result of later investigation ; but may it not be possible that maug was used of fishing- places in rivers^ rather than in ponds ? INDIAN GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES. 51 tuck, June 29, 1680, we find the expression, " the great pond, com- monly called or known by the name of Quassapaug." It would seem as if here the Indian name and the English translation of it had been brought together.* Mr. Cothren, in the "History of Woodbury," speaks of "the care with which our fathers gathered up and applied the beautiful Indian names which abound in our territory." He says elsewhere that " no town of equal dimensions within the writer's knowledge has retained so many of them,*' and refers to the fact that in the neighboring town of Watertown not a single Indian place-name reraains.f Ancient Mattatuck, taken as a whole, has not been quite as unfortunate as that part of it now known as Watertown ; but the real Indian place-names which have come down to us, in addition to those included in the Paugasuck deed, are very few, — not more than a half dozen, all told. The first to be mentioned (following the alphabetical order), and perhaps the most interesting, is "Abrigador." This is the name of a high hill half a mile southeast of Centre square, Waterbury, — now a thickly settled district of the city. The residents of the district sometimes speak of it as " the Abligator," and the transition from this to " Alligator " is occasionally made. In the list of place-names in Mr. Orcutt's " History of Derby," the opinion was expressed that this name was not of Indian origin, but was a Spanish word {abri- gadd) meaning "a place of shelter." That it was not an Indian name was formerly the opinion of Dr. Trumbull also ; but in his " Indian Names of Places in Connecticut " he derives it from ahigad or abiguat^ meaning " covert " or " hiding place," and quotes from the list of names in the "History of Derby "the statement that ** there is a cleft rock on the southwest side of the hill which used to be called the Indians' house." That it should be an Indian name in disguise is not remarkable ; but it is certainly a remarkable coincidence that in the form in which it occurs in Waterbury it should correspond so closely to a Spanish word having the same meaning.J ♦ Bronson*s Waterbury, p. 74. tCothren*s "Woodbury," pp. 844, 58-60. He attributes the preservation of the aboriginal names in Woodbury in part to Captain John Miner, " the leading man among the colonists," who had been educated as missionary to the Indians, understood their language, and was the surveyor for the town (p. 844). tOrcutt's "Derby," p. xcvi ; Trumbull's " Indian Names," pp. i, 2. Dr. Trumbull points out that we have the same Indian word in " Abagadasset " ("at the place of shelter "), a name found at Merry-meeting bay, Maine, and probably in the name " Pictou " also. Another instance which he gives illustrates in a striking way the changes through which Indian place-names sometimes pass. The bay of Castine, Me., was called by the Abnakis Matsi-abigivadoos^eky which means " at the bad small shelter place " or " cove." This long descriptive name was shortened to " Chebeguadose," and finally corrupted to " Bigaduce," and then its origin was traced by process of the imagination to a supposed ("rench officer. Major Biguyduce, said to have come to Maine with Baron Castine. See also " Composition of Indian Geographical Names," pp. 38, 39. 52 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. The name " Compounce," attached to a pond in the northwest part of Southington, has already been referred to. This pond also, like Quassapaug, is a place of summer resort for Waterbury people. That it derived its name from one of the "native proprietors," John Compound, or a-Compaus, is unquestionable ; but the origin and significance of the personal designation is, as we have seen, a matter of uncertainty.* Between two and three'miles southwest of the centre of Water- bury is a high ridge or knoll, close to the road which runs parallel to the Town Plot road, some distance to the west of it, known locally by the name of "Malmalick" or ** Malmanack." In 1882, the Rev. Eli B. Clark (since deceased) wrote of it as follows : " My father, Eli Clark, owned and for more than fifty years lived upon a farm in the southwesterly portion of the town, nearly three miles from the centre, embracing within its limits what was then known as Malmanack hill — the highest ground for miles around, and com- manding a fine prospect in all directions." This hill is supposed to have been the site of an Indian camp, and Mr. Clark in his letter speaks of the numerous arrow heads and other chipped implements which used to be found there in considerable numbers. The name is probably of Indian origin, but so disguised that its derivation cannot be traced with any certainty. It may possibly mean " barren place." In the Waterbury records for November, 1729, mention is made of the lay-out of a highway towards Westbury (now Watertown), which is said to have begun " at the road on the hill against Manhan meadow." "The Manhan" is a name which is still in common use in Waterbury, designating a locality about half a mile west of Centre square, and generally applied to the canal or mill-race which supplies water to the mills of the Waterbury Brass company. The manufactory itself is also popularly known as "the Manhan." In the record referred to, "Manhan meadow" means " island meadow," and is a precise designation of the piece of land lying between the line of the Naugatuck railroad and the main channel of the Naugatuck river. Dr. Bronson in his " His- tory " says : " There are indications (or used to be) that Manhan meadow was once an island, and that a part of the river, at a not very distant period, ran down upon the east side next the hill, in the course of the canal of the Water Power company, continuing through the old * Long cove * and along the line of the Naugatuck railroad till it met Great brook. This was low ground, and through- out its extent there was (in the writer's memory) a chain of minia- • See pb 32. INDIAN GEOORAPHICAL NAMES, 53 ture lakes or ponds."* The same name occurs in Easthampton, Mass., applied now to a river, and is readily recognized in such names as Manhannock, and Manhasset (or Munhansick), but not so readily in Montauk, Manhattan and the Grand Menan. In recent years, it has been aiBfixed to a Waterbury street — that which runs northward from West Main street, between Fairview and Mattatuck streets. It is to be regretted that it was not given to the street which runs nearest to the " canal," and thus nearest to the " island " from which it derives its name. Another genuine Indian appellative has survived in the name of one of the school-districts of Waterbury, "Oronoke." In the final syllable, we recognize the familiar terminal, meaning " place," but what particular place within the region extending from West-side hill to Middlebury furnished the name which now designates the entire district, it would probably be impossible to discover. The name occurs in other parts of the state under the varied forms, Woronock, Waronoco, and perhaps Orenaug (in Woodbury). The only Indian place-name that remains to be mentioned is one that belongs to the present town of Wolcott and has been already referred to.f On March 31, 1731, John Alcock, of New Haven, bought a piece of land in the northeast quarter of Waterbury which is described (in the record of that date) as "near Ash swamp or Potucko's ring." In an entry in the Land Records for December 3, i795> ^ certain boundary line is described as "crossing Ptuckering road, so called," at two different points. This road is now called "Tucker's Ring road," and the Indian origin of the name would hardly have been suspected, were it not for the connecting links which the local records furnish. As we have already seen, Potucko was one of the first signers of the first Waterbury deeds ; but whence comes the name " Potucko's ring ? " and what is its significance ? The traditional explanation is given in Dr. Bronson's "History:" " So called from Potucko, an Indian, who having fired a ring of brushwood to surround and catch deer and other game, was himself entrapped and consumed." J There is nothing essentially improb- able in the story, and some slight support for it may be derived from the fact (already referred to) that while Potucko's name appears among the signatures attached to the deed of April 29, 1684, it is not among those in the deed of December following, but is substituted by that of Potucko's squaw. The fact of the close * Branson's *' History of Waterbury," note to p. 96. + See p. 33. $*' History of Waterbury," note on p, 462. Sec also the Rev. Samuel Orcutt's " History of Wolcott," note on p. xP?. 54 HISTORY OF WATERBURT, connection of the name with the word petukki^ which means "round," becomes specially interesting in the light of the tradition concerning Potucko's death in a ring. Did the Indian derive his name from a practice of hunting deer in the way the tradition indicates — as if he were known as "the man of the ring"? Or was the story, like some other traditional tales, invented to account for the name ? To this brief list of names in the Indian language should be added some others which, although not of Indian origin, contain reminiscences of the Indian period and of Indian occupancy. Following again the alphabetical order, we begin with " Jack's cave." The old Indian trail between Farmington and the Nauga- tuck valley, which afterward became a travelled road, passed through the northwest corner of what is now Wolcott. According to tradi- tion the road ran close to the place where the dwelling of Mr. Levi Atkins now stands, but the Indian trail passed a little further to the north, "near a large, shelving rock called Jack's cave." In Mr. Orcutt's "History of Wolcott" it is added that "the Indians en- camped under this rock at night, in passing between Farmington and Woodbury," and that near it stood a large chestnut tree from which Mr. Timothy Bradley cut two hundred bullets, shot into it by Indians while shooting at a mark. * This does not prove conclusively that the Jack of Jack's cave was an Indian ; but, all things considered, it is a name which ought probably to be included in this list. "Spinning Squaw's land," a locality mentioned in the early deeds, and apparently well known in the early days of Waterbury, is sufficiently described in the preceding chapter.f " The Wigwam " is the name given to a strip of land, a mile long, lying on "West branch," which empties into the Naugatuck near Reynolds bridge. It is said to have been occupied by an Indian in recent years. A small stream which empties into West branch is known as "Wigwam brook." There is another locality in which the memory of a wigwam sur- vives. In 1684 the proprietors of Mattatuck granted to Daniel Porter " four acres in the Wigwam swamp, as near the lower end as may be, so as to have the breadth of the swamp." In a deed bearing date a hundred and ten years later (December 3, 1795) we read : "Land in the sequester at the west end of * Wigwam swamp,' so called, on the brook which runs out of said swamp into Hancox brook " ; and in a later deed : " Land in the northern part of the •Orcutt's " Wolcott," p. 197 and note. t Sec pp. 31, 3a. INDIAN OEOQRAPHICAL NAMES, 55 sequester in the First society of Waterbury, at the western end of 'Wigwam swamp/ so called, and lying upon the brook which runs out of said sw^amp into Hancox brook/'* It has been suggested that Spinning Squaw's land was here, and that it was Spinning Squaw's wigwam which gave its name to the swamp. " The Old Canoe place " is the name applied to a spot in the Nau- gatuck river below Hopeville, behind the house which stands nearly opposite the residence of the late Isaac M. Thomas. There are rapids above and below, but here the water is smooth and compara- tively deep. It is supposed to have been a place where canoes were kept, or where the river was crossed by canoes. It may be added in this connection that Mattatuck seems to have had its Indian burying ground. It was situated on what is now Johnson street, north of Sperry street. Reference may be made, in conclusion, to another spot which has aboriginal associations connected with it of quite recent date. A few rods south of the city line (in Simonsville), on the east side of the highway, which here runs close to the river, there is a bit of elevated meadow, formerly surrounded by a wood, some trees of which still remain. Within the memory of persons now in mature life it was the site of a wigwam and the home of a solitary squaw. There was a kind of dam across the Naugatuck at this point, and it was a good fishing place, f * Land Records, Vol. XXV, pp. 30a, 407 ; Vol. XXVI, p. 427. t Reference has been made to the fact that in the town of Watertown, which belonged to ancient Mat- tatuck, there is an entire absence of Iildian local names. An Indian name has recently been introduced which is likely to secure a permanent foothold in the town. The proprietors of ** Wattles Pond," desiring to give it a more euphonious name, in connection with a plan to make it a place of resort for summer visitors, applied to the writer of this chaiAer for aid in selecting one. Instead of resorting (as is usually the case) to borrow- ing, a name was made to order, according to the laws which govern the construction of Indian place>names. The pond being a *^ fine fishing-place " was called IVinnitftaug^^ and is likely to be known by that name in the time to come. Some future explorer, failing to light upon this statement respecting its origin, may regard it as a genuine survival of the aboriginal period. ( The author cannot refrain from adding here that while the proofs of this chapter were passing through his hands, tidings were received of the sudden death of Samuel McLean of Watertown, who is referred to in this note, and also of the Rev. Samuel Orcutt, whose '* History of Derby" and ** History of Wolcott*' are quoted above, and who was the author of other voluminous town histories. Both of these gentlemen were killed by railroad trains at Bridgeport, within a few days of one another — January 10 and 14, 1893. ) CHAPTER V. THE "stone age" IN CONNECTICUT — STONE IMPLEMENTS, CHIPPED AND GROUND—USES TO WHICH THEY WERE APPLIED, IN PEACE AND IN WAR — PLACES WITHIN MATTATUCK TERRITORY WHERE REMAINS OF THE STONE AGE HAVE BEEN FOUND — ACCOUNTS OF VARIOUS " finds" between BEACON HILL BROOK AND LITCHFIELD — IMPLEMENTS DESCRIBED. IN Europe the long prehistoric period has been roughly divided by archaeologists into three ages — the Stone age, the Bronze age and the Iron age. This division, based upon the charac- teristics of the prehistoric remains that have been collected, is not entirely applicable to the western hemisphere, yet we may speak of the aboriginal population of America at the time of the Discovery as belonging to the Stone age, and some tribes or families as having passed upward into what may be designated the Copper age. The Indians of New England were still in the Stone age at the coming of the first settlers. They seem to have used to a very limited extent implements and weapons of hammered copper, obtained through traffic with other tribes, and there is evidence that they had learned to make pottery. But their dependence for useful implements, for weapons of war and for cooking utensils was almost entirely upon stone and wood. We should hardly expect articles of wood to resist decay until modem times (although in a few instances wooden objects have survived), but implements of stone in large numbers lie scattered on the surface of the ground to the present day, or imbedded in the soil, and are still found, by those who have eyes to see, in ploughed fields, on the banks of rivers, along roadsides and in places where no one would expect to discover them. These stone imple- ments may be divided into two general classes — those made by chipping, such as the well-known arrow heads, and those made by pecking and grinding, such as celts, axes and pestles. Of these two classes, the former is by far the more numerous, although the num- ber of ^es and other ground implements which have been picked up in New England and over all the Atlantic slope during the past two hundred years must be immense. If we knew precisely to what uses the various implements were applied, we should be able to reproduce quite fully the life of the STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK, 57 aboriginal tribes. But concerning many of the remains there is still much uncertainty, after all the study which archaeologists have bestowed upon them. We know what the universal needs of the Indian were, — to provide for himself and his household sustenance and clothing and shelter. We know that the men hunted, that the women tilled the ground, that certain games and other amusements were indulged in, that religious rites were practiced, and that tribes made war upon one another. The remains that have been gathered consist of utensils or weapons which had to do with this simple but varied round of life; but what particular uses they served it is not always easy to say. To the various kinds of stone implements names have been confidently attached by collectors, but in all prob- ability those names are in many cases erroneous and misleading, — although as a matter of convenience they have to be used. In meet- ing the simple wants referred to, trees had to be felled (by burning or otherwise), posts had to be trimmed and driven, canoes had to be dug out, fire-wood to be prepared, deer and smaller game to be shot or trapped, fish to be caught in summer and in winter, flesh and fish to be boiled or roasted, bones to be cracked for the marrow in them, corn and beans to be planted and the ground tilled, skins to be scraped and cleaned, enemies to be slain, by arrow or club, and their scalps removed, and the dead to be disposed of by burial or otherwise. The stone implements that are found were used, either mounted in wood or otherwise, for these various purposes — some for one kind of work and some for another; but there was of course no such strict application of the tool to its specific purpose as we find to-day among skilled workmen. The celt, for instance, or the grooved axe, or the large chipped implement, may have been applied, like the modern jack-knife or hatchet, to a hundred differ- ent uses. To a people whose chief means of subsistence were hunting and fishing, a region of rapid water-courses and of forests must have been specially attractive, while at the same time " interval lands " and clearings at the mouths of streams must have had great value in their eyes. We can readily believe, therefore, although there may have been no tribal seat or central camping-ground within the limits of ancient Mattatuck, that the territory was quite constantly occupied by wandering bands or family groups, who settled down here or there for a season, and then departed to some more prom- ising fishing-place, or some bluff commanding a better view of the river. At any camping-ground likely to be occupied for a few weeks in succession, wigwams would be erected, cooking would be gone through with, fire-wood would be provided, soapstone dishes 58 HI8T0RY OF WATBBBURT, would be used, fish and game would be got ready for the pot, arrows and fish-spears would be made, to take the place of those that had been lost or broken, and arrow-heads and spear-heads chipped, to supply the constant demand. There are doubtless many spots up and down the Naugatuck valley, at the mouths of streams and on such bluffs as that on which the Waterbury hospital now stands, where these various processes were carried on, year after year, for centuries. Some of these spots have already furnished large har- vests to the collector of " relics *' or to the farmer-boy, while others have yet to be discovered. In some parts of our country — notably in New Jersey and in Ohio— the collecting of stone implements has been engaged in by so many, or systematized to such an extent, that definite opinions may safely be expressed in regard to their abundance and their relations to different localities. But nothing of this kind has been accomplished in the Naugatuck valley; it would be impossible to indicate on a map of the region, except in the most imperfect way, where camping-grounds were situated, or where the arrow-maker's hut may have stood, or where a battle with some hostile tribe may have been fought. The abundance of small chipped implements at a given place might be explained by one collector as the result of a battle, and by another as indicating the site of an arrow-maker's workshop, according to the scientific training of the collector, his accuracy as an observer and his caution in drawing inferences. Kilboume, in his " Sketches and Chroni- cles of Litchfield," comments in this way upon the chipped implements found on the shores of Bantam lake : That such battles [between the Litchfield Indians and the '* intruding Mohawks "] have been fought on the now quiet rural shores of our beautiful lake and for a mile or two northward, is clearly indicated by the stone arrow-heads which are scattered in such profusion in the soil. It is true they are found in other parts of the township, but nowhere in such abundance as in the locality described. The writer remembers, as one of the pastimes of his childhood, following in the furrows behind the ploughman, on the West plain, for the express purpose of picking up these interesting memorials of a by-gone race — then of course regarded simply as playthings. These arrowheads are of various shapes and sizes, and are made of different kinds of flint — black, white, red and yellow — showing them to have been manufactured by different and probably distant tribes. * To the untrained collector it may seem almost a matter of course thus to explain the abundance of arrow-heads at a given place by supposing a battle to have been fought there; but it may be entirely unscientific to do so. There are other hypotheses which must be brought into careful comparison with this ere a safe * pp. 64, 65, of " Sketches and Chronicles of the Town of Litchfield. ])y Payne Kenyon Kilbourne, M. A.,'* Hartford, 1859. 8T0NE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK. S9 decision can be reached. So, too, it may seem a natural inference from the variety of materials represented in a collection of arrow- heads that they were "manufactured by different and probably distant tribes,** but no such inference can be sustained ; indeed there are various facts which go to show that the material of which these implements were made was sometimes transported in considerable quantities from place to place, and manufactured afterward. Not only has no systematic exploration of Waterbury territory with reference to archaeological traces been made ; it is quite impos- sible to give any full account of the remains which have been gathered up in the present and in previous generations. The very miscellaneous data which follow are simply those that have come to the writer's knowledge within a few years past, representing no effort at an exhaustive search for "relics" in the field, nor any serious attempt to ascertain what may be treasured in private collections, or lying around in the garrets and cupboards of farm- houses. These memoranda, however, will serve to show how wide- spread and general was the aboriginal occupancy of the region, and how closely conformed was the life of our Mattatuck predecessors to the typical Indian life. Beginning at the southern boundary of Mattatuck, that is, at Beacon Hill brook, a mile and a half below Naugatuck centre, we find traces near the mouth of the brook of what some have called an Indian village. The brook is famous as a trout stream ; indeed for rods above and below its mouth the Naugatuck river used to be "black with fish," and it was with reference to the fishing that the " village " was established there. This camping-ground was situ- ated on the northern bank of the stream, about forty rods above its mouth. Certain details in regard to it were furnished to the writer by the late Josiah Culver of Naugatuck (born in 1799), whose father, Amos Culver, settled near the mouth of Beacon Hill brook previous to 1780. At that time, corn-hills — remains of aboriginal planting — were plainly visible, and there were Indians living in the neighborhood. Numerous traces of an arrow maker's work- shop existed there, and some years ago, in digging a cellar, a large quantity of stone " chips " was unearthed. Josiah Culver found a stone pipe on this site, and a soapstone dish that would hold two or three quarts. In his later life he found a rude " pestle " and a few white quartz arrow-heads near his dwelling, on the west side of the Naugatuck river. About a mile back from the river rises Twelve Mile hill, known also as Straight mountain. Here, on a plateau overlooking the 6o HISTORY OF WATBRBUBT. Naugatuck valley, is the residence of H. N. Williams. On the level surface, ten rods back from the declivity and near a peat swamp, ^_. Mr. Williams found one of the axes figured in the accompanying cut. It is six and a half inches long and three ' and a half wide, nar- rowing to the cutting edge. It is flat on one side, but the groove runs entirely around it. It has I been carefully ground in the groove and near the edge, but not elsewhere. Mr. Williams found near the same spot a mallet-like stone, having a very artificial look ; but it is probably a natural object. The other axe here figured was found in the village of Nauga- tuck, and was preserved for many years in the family of the late Willard Spencer, of Waterbury. Its length is six inches. It is very slightly grooved, except on the edges, and bears few traces of work. It was evidently a natural wedge of fine sandstone, selected because of its axe-like shape, and mounted in its handle with as little labor as possible. The large chipped implement figured in the same cut was also found in Naugatuck village, near the river. It is of dark brown flint (more properly, chert), and is seven inches long, and seven- eighths of an inch thick at the middle, tapering on both sides to a nicely chipped edge. In the writer's collection are three other implements found in Naugatuck, near the river. One of them (presented by the late Cal- vin H. Carter) may be regarded as a pestle, although it approxi- mates to the form of a blunt chisel. It is eleven inches long. Three of its sides are flat; the fourth side rounded. Lying with its rounded side up, its heighth is two and a quarter inches, its thickness one and three-quarters. One of the ends is rounded, the other wedge-shaped, but blunt. The material is a fine sandstone, very similar to the axe last described. The second specimen is a chipped " hoe " of white quartzite, five inches long. The " blade " is three and a half inches wide, the " stem " two and a quarter. It is very rough and evidently unfinished. What it would have become in the finishing process it is difficult to say. Still more interesting than this is the third implement, which may be described as a small STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK. 6i "adze" or a "gfouge " designed for mounting in a handle. On one side it is flat, except that it is gouge-shaped at the cutting edge. The other side is convex, and midway there are two projections, with a hollow between them, evidently made to receive a withe handle. The tool is five inches long and an inch and three-quarters in width. It is of very hard stone, but is symmetrically shaped and carefully ground. At Bradleyville, northwest of Naugatuck, stone implements have been picked up by John Bradley, Isaac Scott, Enoch Newton and others, but no details can be given. * Through the kindness of Dr. Isaac N. Russell the writer's col- lection contains a stone axe found at Piatt's Bridge on the Nauga- tuck, three miles south of the centre of Waterbury. The stone is very compact and heavy and almost black. The length is seven and a half inches, the breadth five inches; the thickness above the groove two inches and a half. The groove is shallow, and although the axe is of a well-defined type it has been made such without the expenditure of much labor. The part below the groove is wedge- shaped and tapering, and the cutting edge is very nearly a semi- circle. Along with the axe came a few arrowheads, and additional arrowheads of white quartz were received from the Misses Cowell, residents of the Piatt's Mills district. At Malmanack (or Malmalick), a hill referred to in the previous chapter, numerous chipped implements have been found. The Rev. Eli B. Clark, in a letter already quoted, says : In my youth, while cultivating the fields on the sides and top of that hill, we often found Indian relics, chiefly arrow-heads of greater or less perfection. I should judge that they were from three to five inches in length, some very slim and sharp, others larger and more blunt, intended probably for larger game. We often found them broken, but some were apparently as perfect as when used by the red man in slaughtering his game. It was very pleasing to us boys to find these relics of a former race, and we carefully treasured them up, for the time being, as curiosities. I have a vague recollection that something we called the Indian hatchet was occasionally found, but of this I could not affirm positively. The locality of the arrow-heads was confined chiefly to the hill; I scarcely recol- lect finding any on other parts of our farm, which extended quite a distance in all directions. I do not think that the question why the arrow-heads were confined to that partictilar spot was much agitated in those days. Whether the Indians came there for the outlook, or for game, or for some other reason, was not satisfactorily settled, if indeed it has been since, or ever will be. The hill was evidently a favorite camping ground, where much time must have been spent; otherwise it is not easy to account for the loss of so many weapons of the chase. As far to the east of the Naugatuck as Malmanack is to the west, rises the height known as East mountain, near the bounds of 62 BISTORT OF WATERBURT. Prospect. This is represented in the writer's collection by a hand- some black spear-head. At Prospect centre, on ground high enough to command a view of Long Island sound, the writer secured an interesting stone "mortar," probably of aboriginal manufacture, which now rests under a tree near his cottage at Woodmont. The material is a compact, yellowish brown sandstone. It is without definite form, but approximates to an oval. It is twenty-three inches in length, eighteen in breadth, and six in thickness. The excavation is three inches at its greatest depth and slopes gradually to the top. The longer diameter of the excavation lies across the stone and measures seventeen inches. Its width is fourteen inches, so that there is a flat margin on one side* of it, measuring several inches across. This may have been a mortar in which to grind com. If so, the "pestle" must have been used horizontally, that is, rolled. But the excavation does not afford much evidence of use. * Returning to the Naugatuck river, a little above the point at which Mad river empties into it, we find a spot productive of arrow- heads where the office of the Benedict & Burnham Manufacturing company now stands. Here was the home of the late Joseph P. Somers, from whose daughters, Mrs. Stephen E. Harrison and Mrs. Douglas F. Maltby, the writer has received collections of arrow and spear-heads — the arrow-heads, as usual, being mostly of white quartz. They were picked up, years ago, in the garden connected with the old homestead. In the autumn of 1892, some laborers who were digging a cellar near the corner of East Main and Silver streets in Waterbury came upon a number of arrow-heads. A short distance to the east of this, on the Meriden road, are two curious depressions, formerly filled with water, known as the Spectacle ponds.f Some years ago, in one of these ponds or " kettle holes" — that on the south side of the road — a curious and interesting discovery was made, not only represent- ing aboriginal life, but bearing upon the question of the antiquity of man in this region. The workmen of Mr. D. G. Porter, while digging muck and peat from the bottom of the pond, came upon a number of pieces of wood bearing unquestionable evidence of hav- ing been cut with a blunt instrument. Some of the sticks were pine. * The writer recalls with no little amusement the prolonged effort put forth to secure this " relic " from its putative owner. It lay at the time in a barn yard, filled with ice, having been set apart as a watering trough for fowls. But the farmer's son, as soon as he was asked to sell, conceived a strong attachment for it. " My grandfather," he said, ** found it and brought it home a hundred years ago, and people have come miles to see it." When finally persuaded to name his price, he said, with much deliberation, ** I shall have to ask you twenty-five cents for it." "Well, I am willing to give you twenty-five cents for it," the col- lector quietly replied ; and he then and there began to appreciate for the first time the high estimate which the hill-top farmer puts upon a quarter of a dollar. t These are described and their origin explained in chap. I, pp. 8, 9. STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK. 63 some white birch, and measured two inches in diameter. Others showed unmistakable traces of fire, as did also the stones that were found with them. The remarkable thing about these remains (now in the writer's possession) is that they were found at a depth of fif- teen feet below the surface. To establish approximately their date, we must not only go back to a time when the Spectacle ponds were dry ground, but must reckon the rate at which black earth is formed by the annual deposit of leaves, and the rate also of the formation of peat through the growth and decay of peat -moss. It has been estimated that in a country overgrown with forests of beach, oak and chestnut, where there is annually a vast deposit of dead leaves, the increase in the depth of the soil is " one one-hun- dred and twenty-eighth of an inch per annum," or one inch in a hundred and twenty-eight years.* At this rate, to deposit a stratum of soil fifteen feet in thickness would require more than twenty- three thousand years. Such estimates are of a hap-hazard character at best; but even if such a rate as this could be established for a wooded region and a level surface, it would serve but poorly as a measure of the time required for the deposition of earth and muck and peat in a glacial "kettle hole." We must make large allowance for the accumulation of fallen leaves in such an excavation; and for the washing in of sand and refuse by heavy rains. But after all such deductions are made, the depth at which the remains at Spec- tacle pond were found is remarkable. A variety of hypotheses might be suggested to account for their position; but those who believe that man existed in North America during the last glacial period or soon afterward, will find here new evidence in support of their opinion. Coming westward again to the centre of the city, and going a short distance up Prospect street, we are at the residence of Mr. Luther C. White — the house next north of Trinity church. In dig- ging the cellar of this house, some years ago, a "relic" was found more interesting than any other that has thus far been discovered in ancient Mattatuck. It is the pipe with a face and figure upon it pictured on page 38. This pipe is of fine, dark green steatite, so dark that it is almost black. The stem is four and a half inches long, half an inch wide, and five-eighths of an inch thick. The bowl is two inches and three-quarters in depth; the diameter across the top is seven-eighths of an inch, and the diameter of the bore three-eighths. On the upper side of the stem is a recumbent female figure, the right arm alongside of the body, the left arm across the chest. Each hand has three fingers which are spread apart *Dr. C. C. Abbott on the ^'Antiquity of the Indians of North America," in Thf American Naturalist for February, 1876 (Vol. X, p. 67). 64 HISTORY OF WATERBURT, like the claws of a bird. The figure is three inches and a half in length, and a little broader than the stem upon which it rests. On the tipper part of the bowl, facing the smoker, is a carefully carved man's face, an inch and three-eighths in length. The ears are per- forated, and the eyes are either closed or directed downward to the recumbent figure on the stem. There is a slight projection or ring around the top of the bowl, and another similar ridge around the stem, half an inch from the end. The pipe is carefully carved and beautifully polished throughout, and taken as a whole is far superior to the average handiwork of the New England Indians. Artistically and in its workmanship it bears some resemblance to the pipes of the Ohio valley Mound Builders, — although if it were a mound pipe, it might not be easy to explain how it reached the Naugatuck val- ley during the aboriginal period. But if we may judge from what some of the early writers have said concerning the skill of the New England Indians, such work as that displayed in this Waterbury pipe was not altogether beyond their reach. John Josselyn, in his " Two Voyages to New England," enumerating articles of Indian manufacture, mentions " tobacco pipes of stone, with images upon them;"* and Wood, in his "New England's Prospect," speaking of the things which the Massachusetts Indians obtain from the Narra- gansetts, says : From hence they have their great stone pipes which will hold a quarter of an ounce of tobacco, which they make with steel drills and other instruments. Such is their ingenuity and dexterity that they can imitate the English mold so accu- rately that, were it not for matter and color, it were hard to distinguish them. They make them of g^een and sometimes of black stone. They be much desired of our English tobacconists for their rarity, strength, handsomeness and coolness. f So closely does this description correspond at some points with the Waterbury pipe that we might easily suppose the author had it before him while he wrote. Very probably its Mattatuck owner obtained it by traffic rather than by manufacture, but with such facts before us as these furnished by Wood we need not suppose that it came from the Ohio valley or from any tribe more remote than the Narragansetts. And what Wood says in regard to the use of steel drills suggests that this and other articles of aboriginal manu- facture may belong to the period subsequent to the first coming of Europeans. At any rate, it is difficult to believe that such work could have been done without metal tools — without the "steel drills " of the English, or the copper instruments of the Mound Builders. The streets next west of Prospect street, namely. Central and Holmes avenues, run northward across land formerly owned by the late Samuel J. Holmes. On that part of the land now crossed by ♦p. Ill, reprint of 1865. + Part 2, chap. 3 ; p. 69, reprint of 1865. urONE IMPLEMEHTB OF MATTATUCK. 6S Central avenue there were formerly several places which afforded evidence of early (perhaps aboriginal) excavations. The several depressed areas varied in extent from six to twelve feet square, and in two of them charcoal was found, with other traces of fire and also ilat stones. Near the centre of the land, where Holmes avenue now is, was formerly a low bluff, with springs at its base. Mr, Israel Holmes reports that arrow-heads, mostly of white quartz, used to be found here in considerable numbers. Mr, Israel Holmes's present residence, "Westwood," stands on a beautiful plateau on the west side of the river, overlooking the extensive meadows of the Kaugatuck. Here also many arrow- heads and larger chipped implements have been found, and on the north side of the house traces of an arrow-maker's work-shop are constantly occurring, Mr. Holmes's collection of "relics" picked up about the house and in the garden contains twenty or thirty white quartz arrow-heads, several of flint and of red sandstone, two "pestles," two interesting fragments of soapstonc dishes and two implements evidently designed to be mounted as hoes and probably used in cultivating corn. On the bluff next north of Mr. Holmes, where the house of Mr. Loren R. Carter now stands, arrow-heads are still picked up. On Hospital bluff, a little distance to the south, some interesting pieces have been found, among which are those here represented. The soapstone dish was given to the writer some years ago by the late C. B. Merriman. Its general outline is triangular, but the corners are rounded off so much that it is almost circular. Its length, not reckoning the projecting handles, is eight inches, its great- est breadth seven inches and its height four. The excavation is so shallow — less than two inches — and it is upon the whole so rude, that it may be supposed to have been left in an unfinished state, and perhaps never used. The chipped im- plements figured in the m.aisi.wb dish am. cilmiu iMr.kMP^Ts, hosjit.l blip.. cut were received from watbbulrv. the late A. B, Wilson, the famous invenlor of the Wheeler & Wilson sewing machine, who built the house which has since become the Waterbury hospital. They were found by him at the 66 HI8T0BT OF WATSRBURT. time the cellar of his house was dug. They are each three inches long, of a greenish gray chert. One of them has been worked quite symmetrically; the other, which is but little more than a semi-circu- lar flake, smoothjon one side and chipped on the other, may have been used as a " scraper " for cleaning skins, or may be regarded as an unfinished spear-head. On the high ground south of Hospital bluff and just north of Sunnyside avenue, on the land which has been set apart as a "town" cemetery, the large axe figured in the following cut was dug up a few years ago by Mr. S. M. Judd. He found it in digging a grave, at a depth of four feet below the surface. This specimen is interesting as illustrating the ease with which the primitive man could on occasion provide himself with necessary tools. The " axe " is but little more than a large wedge-shaped flake of compact sand- stone. It is eight inches long, is square across the top, showing the natural cleavage, is an inch and a quarter thick on one side and tapers to half an inch on the other. It is nicked, not grooved, and is rudely chipped on the thin side. It is not so much an unfinished implement as one that was fitted for a withe handle by a few minutes' labor, and afterward cast aside. The lively stream which tumbles down between the Hospital grounds and the land north of the town cemetery is known as Sled Hall brook. On the old Town Plot road near this brook arrow-heads have recently been found, and — what is of more interest — several fragments of aboriginal pottery bearing traces of decoration, the de- sign being that which is sometimes described as the basket pattern. Some distance to the northwest of this last named locality, and alongside of the Middlebury road, lies a large swamp, bounded on the northeast by a ledge of rocks crowned with _ large trees. On the edge I .^flAM^^^^^ '^^ '-^^ swamp, close to r ~^^^^^^^H^^^K .^^&^_^__ the rucks, the soap-stone I _^^^^^^^^Bftm ^^^Bfl^b figured the IJ^^^^^^^^^P*^ ^^^^^^^p by I^^^^^^^^B^ ^^^^^^^ the late Isaac Boughton, ! ^^^^^^^ . -^.^fc and deposited by him in the writer's collection. Its length, not including the projecting handles, is eight inches and a D1..M, ai:e5ano "cmrNr-KB st™i,'' ii„ierburv. half, Its Width six and a half. Its general shape is a rectangle, with rounded corners and bulging sides. The bottom is not^flat, so that it is higher at one STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUGK. 67 end than at the other. The excavation measures six and a half inches by five atid a quarter, and is two and a half inches deep. The material is a coarse soap-stone of very light color. Although a good deal of work has been laid out upon it, taken as a whole it is unshapen and clumsy. Near the swamp just referred to, a well-known road branches from the main highway and passes through what is called the Park. Beyond the Park, on high ground overlooking the road from Naugatuck to Watertown, lives Mr. Thomas Lockwood, who has picked up on his little farm some very pretty arrow and spear heads, A mile or two north of there, on this same Naugatuck and Watertown road, a little to the northwest of " Bunker Hill," is the residence of Mr. Charles Cooper. With the exception of the large spear-head, the specimens figured in the following cut were picked up within a short distance of Mr. Cooper's house. The spear-head was obtained from Mr. Stephen Atwood, at the sawmill on Wattles brook. It is over five inches loag, of a dark gray chert, and very neatly chipped. Of the sixty pieces in the Cooper collection ten are of dark chert, one (at the centre of the cut) of yellowish brown flint, and another (the large one directly below it) of light gray flint, flecked with white. The rest are of white quartz, one of them very transparent. Great pains were evidently taken with this, but it was probably broken in the making. Most of the arrow-heads are perfect, but thick and clumsy. The soapstonc dish figured on the next page is said to have been dug up in building the Watertown branch of the Naugatuck railroad. It is of the same general character as that received from 68 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. Mr. Boughton, but larger and less smoothly finished. It is ten inches long and about eight inches wide. The projecting handles are large and strong. Although the dish is six inches high, the depth of the excavation is less than two inches; so that it is very heavy. The entire surface bears the marks of the pecking tool. The pestle here figured was found in the village of VV^atcrtown, and was presented to the writer by Dr. Isaac N. Russell. It is seven- teen inches long and almost cylindrical in form, its diameter being two inches at one end and an inch and a half at the other. The sides are smooth and exhibit signs of use; the ends are rounded, but not smooth. The material is a compact and hard argillite, of a reddish brown color. For some years past an agricultural fair has been held annually at Watertown, at which from time to time stone implements have been exhibited. At the fair held in June, 1880, an interesting collection was exhibited by Mr. Frederick Judd, consisting chiefly of implements found in the northern part of the town, in the district known as Garnseytown. On Mr. Judd's farm, which is separated from the valley of the Naugatuck by a high ridge, there is a " bog-meadow pond," drained by the Shepaug river. Most of the pieces in Mr. Judd's collection were found near that. It includes a number of arrow-heads and spear-heads, among which a white leaf-shaped spear-head is specially worthy of mention, a small celt, a gouge, three " pestles " of medium length (one of them flat), and one pestle specially noteworthy because of its size and shape. It is very symmetrical and is twenty-three inches in length.* If we return to ihe centre of Waterbury and go out from there in a different direction from that in which we have thus far pro- 8T0NE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK, 69 ceeded — to the northeast rather than the northwest — we come at once upon an interesting site, near the corner of Cooke and Grove streets. Here, where the venerable brothers Edward and Nathan Cooke lived side by side for many years, the channel of Little brook is still visible, although walled in on both banks. In the garden which slopes upward from the brook toward the northwest, Mr. Walter H. Cooke has from time to time picked up perfect or imper- fect arrow-heads and numerous chips. Of the arrow-heads in his collection, twenty-five were found on the "home lot." A third of a mile further on, we reach the foot of Burnt hill, where Dr. Amos S. Blake, some years ago, picked up the grooved axe represented in the cut on page 66. Through Dr. Blake's kind- ness, it now belongs to the writer's collection. It was found on the roadside in a populous part of the city, where it had lain imob- served by passers by for perhaps two hundred years. It is six inches long and four wide, and is divided into two nearly equal parts by a well wrought and deep groove. Below the groove it is more than two inches thick, and tapers rapidly to a cutting edge. The upper end is flat and unworked; there is in fact no trace of work upon the axe except in the groove and on the edge. It is of trap rock, very heavy for its size, and rather clumsy. In the same cut (on page 66) is figured a bi-concave discoidal stone ver}'- similar in its general character to the so-called " chungke stones " found in the southern states. It is round and quite symmetrical, is three and a half inches in diameter and an inch artd three-quarters in thickness near the circumference. The depth of the concavity is three-eighths of an inch, and is about the same on both sides. The rim is slightly convex and the edges are rounded off. In one or two spots it shows traces of polishing. Elsewhere, except in the concavities, it bears the marks of the pecking tool. The material is yellow sienite. This stone was pre- sented to the writer by Mr. Charles R. Tyler, of Buck's hill, who is a grandson of David Warner and a descendant of John Warner, one of the first settlers of the town. It was in the Warner family for many years, and is believed by Mr. Tyler to have been found in Waterbury. Such stones, though of frequent occurrence in the south, are rare in the northern states. Dr. C. C. Abbott, in his " Primitive Industry," which refers chiefly to the " Northern Atlan- tic seaboard," has a chapter on discoidal stones, but it is very short, the northern specimens which had come under his observation hav- ing evidently been very few. The game of " chungke," of which the southern and southwestern Indians were passionately fond, is described by James Adair as he saw it, a hundred and fifty years 70 HISTORY OF WATERBUR7. ago, and more fully by C. C. Jones, in his work on southern antiqui- ties.* The writer is not aware of any references to it in authors who have described the New England Indians, but the game may have existed among them without being so prominent as among the southern tribes. If the stone here figured is a Connecticut speci- men, and not a modern importation, its existence may be accepted as evidence that " chungke " was played in ancient Mattatuck, — although it is of course possible that this was an implement designed for some entirely different purpose. That part of ancient Mattatuck which lies to the east and north- east of Buck's hill, now embraced in the town of Wolcott, is prob- ably as well stocked with prehistoric specimens as the rest of the territory, but the writer is not informed in regard to discoveries in that quarter. Wolcott is represented in his collection by a few specimens secured through the late Samuel Orcutt. One of these is a grooved axe of sienite, of rather neat form, six inches long and three and a half wide. A deep and polished groove divides it near the middle. Below the groove it is carefully worked, but there is little trace of work above. There is a well-defined notch in the top, of more recent workmanship than the rest. In the village of Waterville, two miles above Waterbury centre, a number of interesting specimens have been found. At the southern end of the village, on a small stream named Mack's brook, Mr. Heber Welton has found a number of arrow-heads. Mr. G. W. Tucker reports " the oldest inhabitant " as stating that there used to be an Indian camp on the banks of Mack's brook, that the Indians were drawn there by the abundance of fish, and that at certain seasons the stream was full of salmon. Mr. Welton has found in this vicinity several pestles, one of them in the bed of the river. The writer's collection contains an interesting and shapely imple- ment taken from Factory pond in Waterville. It is six inches long, and an inch and three-quarters wide in its widest part. It may perhaps be classed with stone chisels, but is flat on one side and handsomely rounded on the other. At the upper end it tapers to a blunt point, and the cutting edge measures about an inch. It has lain so long in the water that it is difficult to say of what kind of stone it is made. Across the river from Waterville is the home of Mr. Joseph Wel- ton, sheltered on the northwest by a ridge which runs in a south- westerly direction as far as the Waterbury almshouse. Mr. Welton ♦Jones's " Antiquities of the Southern Indians,*^ pp. 341-358 ; Adair's " American Indians/* pp. 401, 402; Abbott's '* Primitive Industry.'* pp. 341-343. STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK. -ji has picked up around his house a number of arrow-heads and other chipped implements, some of which he has contributed to the writer's collection. Among these is a semi-lunar knife of slate, similar to that already described, but smaller and somewhat imper- fect, and evidently very old. Some years ago, while working the road near the almshouse, Mr. Welton came upon the grave of an Indian child. The skeleton was in a sitting posture. The skull, taken from the earth in a somewhat fragmentary condition, was sent to a friend in a neighboring town. But Mr. Welton reserved for himself, and afterward gave to the writer, certain objects which make the "find" one of peculiar interest. These are toy imple- ments, four in number, some idea of which may be obtained from the accompanying cut. One is a diminutive celt, two inches and a quarter long and three quarters of an inch wide at the cutting edge. Another, two inches and five eighths in length, might be considered a miniature pestle, were it not that at one end it is wedge- shaped. Of the other two pieces, one is axe-shaped, the other nearly square. The latter measures an inch and a half on each side, and neither of them is more than an eighth of an inch in thick- ness. That these two were designed for toy pendants {"gorgets," as they are sometimes called) is evident from the fact that a perforation had been begun in each. The objects possess a unique interest; associated as they were with '™''""'i-HMENisti(o«A child's cr*vk. the remains of a child, they help us to bring^vividly before us what may be called the home life of our aboriginal predecessors. There is nothing to forbid our thinking of these buried trifles as the handiwork of some fond father or elder brother, unfinished at the moment of the child's death and deposited in his grave by a mother's hand. A short distance above Waterville, at Hinchliffe's bridge, there is a ledge called the Deer-steak rocks. In this ledge, near the river, there is a rock-shelter, open to the south, the " roof " of which pro- jects ten or twelve feet. In the spring of 1881, Mr, John Stevens, digging here, picked up within a space ten feet square about sixty arrow and spear heads, perfect or broken. Most of them are of white quartz, some of them carefully finished. Three or four are of a bluish flint-like stone, and one of these is two and a quarter \l 72 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. inches in length. A fragfraent of pottery was also found, bearing- traces of a simple decoration; also three fragments of a perforated article, apparently the remains of a large pipe of European manu- facture. Some distance further north, on the Thomas ton road, just above Jericho bridge, there is a bluff, now under cultivation, where quanti- ties of quartz chips are ploughed up. They can be traced sometimes the whole length of a furrow, and may pretty certainly be regarded as indicating the place of an arrow-maker's open-air work-shop.* A little further up the river, at Reynolds bridge, on the west side, is the residence of Mr. H. F. Reynolds. It stands on a plateau overlooking the river and the road. On the slope near his house, and on the strip of meadow between the road and the river, Mr. Reynolds has picked up arrow-heads and numerous chips. In his small collection is one of the finest specimens the Naugatuck val- ley has thus far produced. It is a beautiful leaf-shaped spear-head, five inches long and three inches wide. Its outline is symmetrical, the edge is carefully chipped, and the color is milk-white. In the writer's collection Thomaston is represented by a single specimen. It is an axe, very similar in outline to the sole of a shoe. The length is six and a quarter inches, the width, just below the groove, two inches and a half, whence it narrows gradually to the cutting edge. The groove, which is shallow, is within an inch and a half of the top. About a mile and a half above Thomaston, on the eastern bank of the river, there used to be a factory and a few houses, bearing the name of Heathenville. The writer was informed by the late Horace Johnson that in his boyhood he used to find arrow-heads and quantities of stone chips at this place. The ground close to the water's edge was full of chips, mostly black. Some years ago, in the Litchfield correspondence of the Water- bury American, appeared the following paragraph: In a late issue, you speak of a discovery of soapstone dishes, in Rhode Island. There are plenty of them nearer home. I have in my possession a bushel or so of * About a mile above Jericho bridge, on the east side of the road, which here runs very near the river, is a so-called Indian mortar. It is an excavation in the rock, close to the road. The rock, which is a stratum of mica-slate, dipping to the northwest, is broken away across the mouth, so that the east side of the hole, next the bank, is much higher than the side next the road. The excavation is nearly circular, and is twenty- one inches in diameter. The depth of the main '* shaft,*' measured on the side next the bank, is two feet; measured from the level of the road, it is eight inches. But within and below this there is another hollow, fourteen inches by six, and five inches deep. The stratification of the rock is easily discerned throughout the cavity. That it was ever used by the Indians as a mortar (for grmd ng corn), there is no reason to sup- pose. An Indian trail may have run close by it, but the conditions favorable for the establishment of a vil- lage or camping-ground are altogether wanting here. Under almost any circumstances the excavation would have been inconvenient to use as a '* mortar.** It is undoubtedly of natural rather than artificial origin, and is what geologists term a pot-hole. It would not have been worth while to describe it so fully, excrpr that tradition has so long regarded it as of Indian origin. STONK IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUGK. 73 fragments of such dishes, and know of two localities where the soapstone was quarried and manufactured. The dishes are very commonly in use among the farmers here, for washing hands, etc. Having learned that the correspondent from whom this statement came was D. C. Kilbourne, Esq., of East Litchfield, the writer, accompanied by Mr. H. F. Bassett, called on him, and under his guidance visited one of the prehistoric manufactories of soapstone dishes which he had discovered. This manufactory, or open-air work-shop, is situated near "Watch hill," on Spruce brook, a beauti- ful stream which empties into the Naugatuck a mile and a quarter below the East Litchfield railroad station. Mr. Kilbourne had gath- ered his large assortment of broken dishes from a strip of meadow- land lying along the left bank of the brook. A new examination of the same ground brought to light many more fragments, of all sizes and shapes, most of them evidently representing dishes that had never been finished but were broken in the making. They were covered outside and inside with tool-marks, and all of them were very rough. In some cases the projecting handles showed a nearer approach to completion than any other part of the dish. Of the specimens collected, that which comes nearest to being a perfect dish is noteworthy for its diminutive size. It is only four inches and a half in length, and three inches high. It is conformed to the regular type, the projecting handles not being lacking; but it is so small that one can not help asking to what use, in cooking or eating, the red map could have put it. The broken dishes were interesting — sufficiently so to justify carrying away a large quantity of them; but a more important dis- covery was yet to be made. The writer, going back and forth over the ploughed ground, picked up a piece of quartzite which bore marks of chipping. He soon found another and another, and very readily discovered their character : they were the tools used in shaping and hollowing out the soapstone dishes. Before his explor- ation was ended he had collected sixty of these stone tools, twenty- five or thirty of which were closely conformed to a well-defined type. They measure from three and a half inches to five inches in length, and in size and shape resemble a man's clenched fist, — sup- posing the thumb instead of being turned inward to be extended and to rest against the forefinger. The end of the tool represented by the top of the thumb is in each case chipped to a point, and the larger end is chipped and rounded in a more careless way. In addi- tion to the unbroken tools, numerous fragments were found, and a half bushel of quartzite chips, besides two or three good arrow- heads. In the brook quartzite pebbles like those from which the 74 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. tools were formed could easily be gathered. A few other tools were found of a different character. One of them is of mica-slate, one end of it remaining in its original condition, the other end reduced by chipping to such a size that it can readily be grasped by the hand. It is, in short, a rude beetle, about a foot long. Two other pieces, pointed like the quartzite tools, are of entirely different material and form. One of them is eight inches in length; of the other only the pointed end remains. The region in which this prehistoric manufactory was situated abounds in seams and quarries of soapstone. There is a quarry near the top of Chestnut hill in the southwestern part of Torrington, which has been worked of late years, says Orcutt,* "with fairly remunerative success." About a mile east of this, the stone crops out again. There is another quarry in Litchfield, and ledges of soapstone on Bunker hill, Waterbury. In the edge of the wood, near the site of the Spruce brook "workshop," there are excava- tions from which some of the material used by the Indians was evidently obtained. f No thorough exploration was made by the writer and his com- panions with reference to the sources whence the Indians obtained the material for their dishes. It may be that soapstone quarries as interesting as those discovered within recent years near Provi- dence, R. I., and in Amelia county, Va., may be awaiting some enterprising explorer in the vicinity of Spruce brook, or else- where in the Naugatuck valley. . To these memoranda concerning " relics " found in ancient Mat- tatuck may be added brief accounts of two others, belonging outside of Waterbury territory, but close to its borders, which for obvious reasons are likely to be of interest to readers of Waterbury history. In the autumn of 1834, a piece of "aboriginal sculpture" was unearthed in the town of Litchfield, which is thus noticed by the Enquirer of October 2d, of that year: A discovery of a singular carved stone image or bust, representing the head, neck and breast of a human figure, was made a few days since, on the Bantam river, about forty or fifty rods above the mill-dam, half a mile east of this village. ♦" History of Torrington," p. 176. f At several houses in the vicinity large slabs of soapstone, more or less carefully worked, and soapstone ** mortars,** were found. As Mr. Kilbourne indicated in the Atntrrican. some of these were doing service as wash-bowls. The writer brought home with him one of these mortars, measuring seventeen inches by twelve. The hollow, which is nearly circular, is eight inches in diameter and three inches deep. In the door-yard of a farm-house he found a large slab in which three basins had been hollowed out. The stone is more than three feet long, two feet and nine inches wide at one end and two feet at the other, and ten inches thick. One of the bowls is sixteen inches in diameter, another nine, and another six. It is not at all probable that such stones as these were **got out'* and shaped by the aborigines; they are doubtless the product of white men's industry at a period when dishes of any kind were scarce. STONE IMPLEMENTS OF MATTATUCK. 75 Some boys happened to discover near the banks the head of the figure projecting above the ground, which so excited their curiosity that they immediately dug it out and conveyed it to the mill, where it is for the present deposited The image, which is apparently that of a female, is carved from a rough block of the common granite, some part of which is considerably decayed and crumbly, yet must have required more patient and persevering labor than generally belongs to the char- acter of the natives ; and though in point of skill and taste it falls something short of Grecian perfection, it is certainly *' pretty well for an Indian." For what pur pose it was intended — whether as an idol for worship, or the attempt of some fond admirer to preserve and immortalize the lovely features of his dusky fair one, or whether it was merely a contrivance of some long-sighted wag of old to set us Yankees a guessing, or even whether it is one hundred or five hundred years old- all is unrevealed; though no doubt some tale is hanging thereby, if we could only find it out. All our American antiquities have this interesting peculiarity, that we know nothing of their history. We have not even the twilight of fabulous story to relieve our curiosity. The past is hidden in deeper obscurity than the future. This account is reproduced in P. K. Kilbourne's " Sketches." Mr. Kil- bourne adds: " This curious relic is now preserved in the cabinet of Yale College."* J. W. Barber, in his " Historical Collections of Con- necticut," says: " It is a rude sculpture of brown stone, nearly the size of life, representing a female, with head and shoulders, extend- ing down to the waist. It is now deposited at Yale College, New Haven." f In January, 1879, inquiry was made of Mr. C. H. Farnam, then curator of the archaeological department of the Peabody Museum, New Haven, in reference to this aboriginal relic, and the following reply was received: I have endeavored this morning to find some trace of the statue you speak of. About 1820, the College turned over to an institution called the ''New Haven Museum " all their collection of relics. Upon the failure of this enterprise, the collections were sold, the best specimens going to Boston; but to what museum I can not learn. I suppose the specimen you refer to was among the articles so disposed of, but have no record of it. I have also seen Mr. John W. Barber, but he does not recollect where he heard of the statue. It may be in the Boston Museum, and it might be worth while writing to the owners — though in a show collection of that kind there is probably no one who knows about the particular specimens. I am sorry on my own account, as well as yours, that I cannot give you definite information. The other relic is of wood, and is said to have been the war-club of Pomperaug, a sachem of the Pootatucks. It is a weapon of uncertain age, evidently old, but in a state of good preservation. Its entire length, head and handle included, is two feet and nine inches. The handle is two feet and two inches long; is two inches thick near the head, tapering to one inch, and is without bark. The head is about six inches in diameter. The club is simply a branch * p. K. Kilbourne'8 " Sketches and Chronicles of the Town of Litchfield," Hartford, 1859; p 65. + P. 456, first edition. 76 BISTORT OF WATERS URT. of a tree, apparently buttonwood — from the lower end of which, at a point where another branch shot out, two large excrescences had developed. The two excrescences have grown together on one side, constituting a large knot, upon which the bark still remains. The branch seems to have been cut from its tree by a hatchet, but the small end of the handle shows obvious traces of a saw. This interesting relic was presented to the writer by Mrs. Emily Goodrich Smith, daughter of the well known S. G. Goodrich (" Peter Parley") and widow of Nathaniel Smith of Woodbury. Mrs. Smith, in a letter accompanying her gift, dated September 17, 1891, assigns its ownership to Pomperaug, "an early distinguished chief of the Pootatucks," and says that "an aged squaw, visiting the burial places of her tribe, gave this club of her ancestor and chief to Nathaniel Smith, Esq., over fifty years ago." * With the facts before us which Mrs. Smith mentions, it can not be doubted that the club is a genuine Indian relic. But it must be acknowledged that the tradition which ascribes its ownership to a Pootatuck chief named Pomperaug is open to question. Dr. J. H. Trumbull, in his " Indian Names of Places," speaks of Pomeraug as follows: Local tradition derives the name from a Potatuck sagamore whose fort was on or near'* Castle Rock" in Woodbury; but no evidence to support this derivation has been found in the town or colony records, and the form of the name makes it cer tain that it originally belonged to a place, not to a person. A heap of stones in the village of Woodbury is supposed to mark the grave of Pomperaug, on which, says Mr. Cothren, "each member of the tribe, as he passed that way, dropped a small stone, in token of his respect for the fame of the deceased.** Such memorial stone- heaps were common in New England. From the one in Woodbury both the locality and the mythic sachem probably received their name, which may be interpreted '* place of offering " or ** contributing." That " Pomperaug's " war-club in other days must have passed through severe experiences, is evidenced by the fact that in order to reduce a serious fracture in the handle of it an application of thirty-five or forty feet of fine copper wire once had to be made. But in the time to come its fortunes will be different; it is now likely to rest undisturbed in the quiet and seclusion of a collector's cabinet, and afterward to serve as a nucleus of that collection of abo- riginal remains which is sometime to adorn the walls of the Bronson Library. When that collection is at length brought together, prop- erly classified, displayed and annotated, the people of Waterbury will have perpetually before them a picture of the life of their aboriginal predecessors of deep significance and of permanent value. ♦ The donor adds : '* Committed to the Rev. Joseph Anderson, D. D., with the request that when he ha* done with it said club shall go to the Bronson Library, of Waterbury, Conn." CHAPTER VI. early attempts to establish settlements in new england — the london company — the plymouth company — the pilgrims London's plantation in massachlsetts bay — the ships of 1629 transfer of the government from england to new england — waterbury names in massachusetts and plymouth in 1636 wahginnacut visits englishmen, to induce migra- tion to the connecticut river — dutch at hartford — john oldham, the first trader — plymouth's trading house at WINDSOR — Newtown's petition for removal — Massachusetts* EFFORTS TO RETAIN THE SETTLERS WITHIN HER JURISDICTION — THE ** FORTY -TON BARK " — THE COURT's GOOD-BY BLESSING — ARRIVAL ON THE CONNECTICUT RIVER — HARDSHIPS CONTENDED WITH DURING THE FIRST WINTER. IT IS difficult for the inhabitants of the Connecticut of to-day to become thoroughly conscious of the fact that no man, no record, no library in existence, can give the name of a person who lived in any portion of our State three hundred years ago. The attempt at making this truth our own produces a train of thought not altogether pleasing, and brings home in a way that is new the oft -repeated words: Our fathers were pilgrims and strangers. New England had been seen of John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, and, in 1498, they had sailed along the coast, and their passing glance had secured for England, under the reign of King Henry VII, that possession by sight which England held for nearly three centuries. In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold with thirty-two men, had landed on Cape Cod, lingered a month with the intention to settle, and then returned to England. In 1605, George Weymouth found Gosnold's Cape Cod, followed the coast northward, entered the Kennebec River, ascended it many miles, stole five Indians, and returned to England. In 1607, George Popham, under the direction of his kinsman. Sir John Popham, with one hundred and twenty colonists, entered the same river, landed at its mouth, and built a village Let us hope that the five Indians who had been stolen, were returned by this early and convenient opportunity. Success did not attend this enter- 78 ffiarOBY OF WATERBUBT. prise. George Popham, the leader, died, and the adventurer. Sir John Popham, died, and the weary and disappointed colonists returned to England. In 1606, not an Englishman was known to be in North America. In that year special interest was awakened in England in the un- occupied lands of the New World. Certain " Lords and Gentlemen " formed two companies, for the settlement of parts of America. Men of London and its vicinity called their combination, " The Lon- don Company." Men of Plymouth called their association, "The Plymouth Company." Both companies intended to cause colonies to be established in " Virginia," which name in 1606 served to indicate all that region lying between South Carolina on the south and the most northern part of the State of New York on the north. To the London Company was allotted South Virginia ; to the Plymouth Company, North Virginia. It was provided that neither company should plant within one hundred miles of any settlement already begun by the other. This provision serves to account for the lap- ping of the territory of one company upon that of the other, for South Virginia's northern limit was the south-western point of pres- ent Connecticut, while North Virginia's southern limit ran down into present Virginia. From these two companies of London and Plymouth and their successors, have emanated the many patents and grants that confront the investigator with a net- work of rights, difficult to follow through all the complications arising from uncer- tain bounds. Sir John Popham's adventure of 1607, already referred to, seems to be the first fruit of the attempt of the English Company of Ply- mouth to settle North Virginia or New England. For seven years we are without a record of any attempt at colonization. In 1614 Captain John Smith explored the shore from Cape Cod to Penobscot River, and gave to the country the name of New Eng- land. The following year, he is said to have set sail for the New World, prepared to plant a colony — to have been made a prisoner by a French fleet, and his colony not to have been planted. In the same year Adrian Block, the Dutch navigator, sailed through Long Island Sound, and it is said that he discovered the Connecticut river, and ascended it as far as present Hartford. If we look for the motives that prompted colonization down to this date we shall find them in the words, profit, proprietorship, and freedom in a new land to do, and, to be. But here we come to the landing of the Pilgrims, and the strange story of their grant of land along the Delaware River LONDON'S PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 79 from the London Company, but with no charter from the King, and their landing, no man may tell why, on bleak Plymouth shore with- out grant or charter, and their everlasting growth from that day to this — their motive, first and last, being "freedom to worship God,** with all the profits and proprietorships possible added thereto. Mention should here be made of merchant Thomas Weston's seventy-five men, gathered in 1622 from the streets of London, and planted at Wessaguscus, now Weymouth, where they disagreed with the Indians, and, being unwholesome members of society, were aided, most willingly, by the men of Plymouth in their return to England ; of Thomas Morton and his followers, who came in the same year, and whose yet-to-be-told history we may not follow, from the time when Miles Standish paid him a visit and sent him across the sea, down to 1630, when he was again returned to England by the Massachusetts Bay Company, his goods confiscated to pay his debts and expenses and for " a canoe he unjustly took from the natives, and his house burned down to the ground in the sight of the Indians, for their satisfaction for many wrongs he had done them from time to time." The above is from the Records of Massachu- setts, while a modern historian tells us that the accusation against him " seems to have been based upon the fact that he used the Book of Common Prayer," but the Records give us no hint that he prayed at all. ■ Soon after the Pilgrims were established, fishing vessels began to visit the coast. They were sent out by English merchants, and were, apparently, the heralds of the great Puritan colonization scheme. A fishing village began to grow on Cape Ann, but it did not thrive. Troubles came upon it, which were softened by the ministrations of Mr. Roger Conant. Thus early we come upon a trail that leads directly to our Waterbury, for, in 1771, Dr. Roger Conant, the grandson in the fifth generation of this Mr. Roger Conant, settler at Salem before 1628, came to Waterbury, where he married in 1774 Elizabeth, daughter of "Thomas Bronson, Esq.," and died during the war of the Revolution, on Long Island. Mr. Roger Conant, by appointment of the owners in England, became the leader of the settlement. The English capitalists soon grew weary of their unprofitable adventure and withdrew from it, leaving the little colony of fishermen and planters ashore, and adrift from help. Roger Conant stood by and drew them away from Cape Ann to Indian Nahumkeeke, often called Naumkeag, and now Salem. When the Puritans came to New England, these men from Cape Ann were already in possession, and are the old planters so often referred to, and to whom special rights adhered because of their 8o HISTORY OF WATERS UBT, possessive priority — the beaver trade and the raising of tobacco being of the number. There was another venture made that deserves mention, that of Captain Wollaston, who, about the year 1625, brought over a com- pany of " indented " white servants ; but not finding a market for their labor he, it is said, after a tarry at Mount Wollaston, other- wise Morton's Merry Mount, and now Braintree, " carried them to Virginia and sold them [their labor] there." Thus it is found that the only band of immigrants that had held to the soil, despite every disadvantage, had been the Pilgrims of Plymouth, and they had lived largely on things invisible to Lords of Trade in England or elsewhere. This little band of one hundred and one in 1620, and forty-five in 162 1, had, in 1628, become three hundred, when the Puritan exodus began. "Mr. John Endicott and some with him were sent to begin a plantation, in 1628, at Massachusetts Bay." These were followed, in 1629, by three hundred men, eighty women, and twenty-six children, with one hundred and forty head of cattle and forty sheep, which set sail, in three ships, for London's Plantation in the Massachusetts Bay. It is difficult to resist the temptation to give items concerning the fitting out of these ships. No Arctic expedition of to-day could be more carefully and thoughtfully equipped than were the George Bonaventure, the Talbot, and the Lion's Whelp, by the English Company of men (and one woman whose name is unknown), who ventured their money in the enterprise. There had been great content the year before when Mr. Endicott had given himself to the company, and when Rev. Mr. Higginson adventured himself in 1629, great was the joy among the capitalists. It gave good heart to the work. Mr. Higginson came in the Talbot, Rev. Mr Skelton in the George Bonaventure, bringing with him his library of fifty volumes. Rev. Mr. Bright, who had been trained up under Rev. John Davenport, came in the Lion's Whelp. It is interesting to note that Mr. Davenport and Mr. Theophilus Eaton were both adventurers in the Puritan settlement of the Bay, and that its first three ministers were approved by Mr. Davenport. Besides the three ministers, the ships bore almost everything, including the " English Bible in folio of the last print," the Book of Common Prayer, the Charter itself, in the care of Mr. Samuel Sharp, and the oath that was to be administered on the ship's arrival to Mr. Endicott, the elected Governor. In their cargoes were mill stones, and stones of peaches, plums, filberts and cherries ; "kemells" of pear, apple, quince and " pomegranats ;" seeds of liquorice, woad, hemp, flax and madder ; roots of potatoes and hops ; LONDON'S PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAT, 8i Utensils of pewter, brass, copper, and leather ; hogsheads of wheat, rye, barley, oats, beans, pease, and "bieffe;" thousands of bread; hundreds of cheese, and codfish ; gallons of olive oil, and Spanish wyne; tuns of water, and beer ; thousands of billets of wood, beside the loads of chalk, the thousands of brick, and " chauldrens of sea coales," that were cast in the "ballast of the shipps." To these, and other items, must be added the apparel of three hundred men, and the long list of the munitions of death with which each ship was freighted. There were ensigns — "partisans, for captain and lieutenant," halberts, for sergeants — muskets with fire locks, four foot in the barrel, without rests — long fowling pieces, six and a half feet long — full muskets, four feet in the barrel, with " match-cocks " and rests — bandaleeres, each with a bullet bag — horn flasks, to hold a pound apiece — "cosletts," pikes and half pikes — ^barrels of powder and small shot— eight pieces of land ordnance, for the fort — whole culverings — demiculverings— -sackers and iron drakes — great shot, and drums — with a sword, and a belt for every^ one of the three hundred men. After this manner was carried on the great Puritan exodus be- tween 1630 and 1640. Time and space have been given to the three ships named, because Waterbury is, in a certain way, linked to them in its history. Their passengers came under the conduct of a close corporation, fully entitled to govern and make its own laws, subject only to the Crown of England. The Governor and Council of Massachusetts Bay, in New England^ came, governed most minutely by the General Court of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay, in London — and many of the laws, the severity of which has hung like a pall over the memory of Puritan and Pilgrim, will be found to have been imposed upon them by the power that lay behind the local government. A list of the passen- gers in the three ships, if it exists, will give to us, among others, the names of the men who came as planters, and paid their five pounds each for passage — the names of those who came under engagements to the company for special services — as vine dressers, makers of salt, hunters, shipwrights, iron-workers, and other arti- sans necessary to the achievement of a successful plantation. The Pilgrim, the Mayflower and the Fower Sisters soon crossed the ocean, each undoubtedly bringing its one hundred and twenty-five passengers — the number permitted. These were soon followed by scores of ships, eight having arrived within a single week. To Governor Matthew Craddock, by far the largest adventurer in this colony-building, although he seems never to have visited America, belongs the honor of having suggested the removal of the 6 82 HI8T0RT OF WATERBURT. government itself from England to New England. The transfer was made in 1630 in the ship Arbella, which arrived on June 12. It brought, as a passenger, John Winthrop, who had been elected in England as governor of the Company to succeed Governor Crad- dock, and who superseded Governor Endicott, who had governed the Massachusetts Bay Colony in this country but six months. There are no lists, known to the writer, of the passengers who came in the six ships here mentioned, by which the great emigra- tion was inaugurated. While it is apparent that the number of men who were made freemen in the colony was not more than one in five of the inhabi- tants subject to military duty, yet we find among the freemen in the first list, that containing the names of those who were admitted to the honor on the eighteenth of May, 163 1, three family names, held by three of the first proprietors of Waterbury. They are Richard- son, Gaylord, and Jones. Richards, Welton, Porter, Andrews, and Gridley had been added to the list by 1634 ; Warner, Hopkins, Stahley, Newell, Scott, and Lanckton, before March of 1635, while Judd — and his name was Thomas — and Carrington appear before June of 1636 ; thus connecting more than one-half of the first settlers of Waterbury with the Puritans of the Bay. If we turn to the Plymouth Colony, we shall find there also the names of Hopkins, Barnes, Andrews, Jones, Richards, and Stanley, while, in both colonies, we may find many other names that have made, and are making, worthy records in the history of our town, whose bearers were already residents in New England before the migration to Connecticut began. Going back to the statement that no man can give to us the name of an inhabitant of Connecticut three hundred years ago, we may add to it, that the most distant recorded echo of human footsteps on its soil comes down to us through only two hundred and sixty years. The footsteps are those of Wahginnacut, an Indian. The story of white men in the Massachusetts had come to him, and he perhaps thought, in his human, Indian heart, that white men would be good to have in Connecticut. Wahginnacut had a good and human reason for his thought. As nearly as the story can now be told, the Indians of Connecticut River had passed through a quarrel with the Pequot or Thames River Indians, the outcome of which had been that the Pequot tribe had seized the lands of Wahg^nnacut's tribe along the river ; and the hope that illumined his dusky mind was, that the presence of white men would restore to the native Indians the lost valley of their fathers. Inspired with this hope, Wahginnacut traveled in 1631 from the Connecticut LONDON'S PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 83 River to Massachusetts, and paid a visit to Governor Winthrop at the Bay, and to Governor Winslow at Plymouth, to induce migra- tion to his noble river. He offered, in his princely way, to furnish eighty beaver skins a year — and this was at a time when beaver was as good as gold, and we have Governor Craddock's word for it, that it should fetch in the English market pound for pound. It was a large salary that Wahginnacut offered to Englishmen for dwelling in his land, for he added to the beaver the promise to furnish corn for the white men; and yet, we have been to/d that the Indians were not husbandmen before their demoralization began — and this in face of the fact that captain, or passengers, or crew of the Mayflower, robbed the storehouses of corn, that the Indians of Cape Cod had laid up for the season of 162 1. For a time, the proffers of the Indian seem to have been made in vain, for neither company availed itself of his information, or accepted his offerings ; but two years later, in the^autumn of 1633, the seed that he had sown gave signs of growth. Plymouth Colony made a venture, and, so far as we know, it was made on the strength of Wahginnacut's representations. The frame of a trading-house had been made ready and placed on board a small vessel. Lieuten- ant William Holmes commanded the expedition, and an Indian, Nattawamut, a sachem, was its pilot. Already the Pequot Indians had made sale of lands on the Con- necticut River to the Dutch, lands that had been wrested from Nat- tawamut's tribe. The Dutch had taken possession of a point at Hartford, and when the Plymouth vessel sailed into and up the river, on its western bank a mound had been raised and two guns were pointing riverward. Lieutenant Holmes did not obey the signal from the fort or guns, but sailed on, unharmed, to the site of present Windsor. There, land was bought from the Connecticut River Indians, through Nattawamut. The trading-house was set up and garrisoned and the vessel went back to Plymouth, bearing what, for cargo, we know not, but we are told that the pil«t, soon after his faithful service, died of small pox. It will be remembered that this trading-house was built in the autumn of 1633, under the auspices of Plymouth Colony. Massa- chusetts Bay had been invited to join in the venture, but declined, giving at the same time its consent to the work, in so far as it might have jurisdiction over the territory to be occupied. Through the regions usually characterized by writers as " pathless wilderness," it is well known there existed Indian thoroughfares, trails, and paths. The native Indian was, by nature and by practice, a traveler. He wandered, from very love of wandering — he roamed, 84 HISTORY OF WATERBUBY. as a hunter — he visited his kindred tribes — he journeyed to sur- round council fires — he attended dances far and near — he failed not to be present at the annual games, held on natural plains like our own Manhan meadows, and he well knew how to mark a new path- way for the white man from plantation to plantation. Add to this the well known habit of the inland tribes of going down to the sea to spend their summer days in fishing and digging clams, drying the clams in the sun and stringing them for winter store of food, and we shall not find it difficult to account for certain paths that existed, without apparent reason, at a very early date. The path, or trail, or road, as it is called, mentioned in 1674, from Milford to Farmington, is a case in point. This trail was probably made by the Indians of Tunxis Sepus, before Farmington came into being. The Indians of Farmington, without doubt, knew all about the fine fishing and clamming ground around Milford, long before English- men came. Milford was a favorite dwelling place ; Ansantawae had his "big wigwam" on Charles Island, we are told by Lambert, and the tribe gathered there. The very fact that in 1640 it was necessary for the first settlers of Milford to surround themselves with a palisado a mile square, is eloquent of the number of their Indian neighbors, while at Quinnipiac there was no need of a pali- sado, not above forty-seven warriors dwelling there. It was some such path, doubtless, through which, in the summer of 1633, the great Indian trader, John Oldham, "and three with him," came to Connecticut. The glimpses that we get, through the rifts in events, of Oldham, reveal a splendid, hopeful creature, through whose vision prosperity danced with a grace that in 1629 kept three ships waiting in England for two months, while he set forth to the gentlemen who were the adventurers the gains of three for one that could be made, if certain trading powers were conferred upon him. Oldham deserves a monument ! He and the three unknown men with him were Connecticut's first traders. They had rAurned to the Bay by the fourth of September in that year, and it was in the same autumn that the vessel from Plymouth brought the trading-house into the river. Oldham reported that the sachem " used them kindly and gave them some beaver." He estimated the land distance to be about one hundred and sixty miles, and said that he lodged in Indian towns all the way. He also "brought some black lead, whereof the Indians told him there was a whole rock." One can well imagine how this enthusiast, on his return, set the glories of Connecticut valley forth to the men who gathered to learn the story he had to tell. Three men (the name of but one is LONDON'S PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 85 given, as " Hall") were moved by it to set out in the cold of Novem- ber, to trade for themselves. Governor Winthrop records that they lost themselves, endured much misery, could not trade because the Indians were dying of small-pox, and returned on the twentieth of January. To the imagination of John Oldham, brisk and fertile, and stirring with life and a very solid faith in itself, we may safely attribute the settlement of the valley, at so early a date. The trading venture of the men of Plymouth, and the overland journey of Oldham, seem to have been brought about by Wahginnacut's visit to the eastward. The other items that we have been able to glean concerning Connecticut in the year 1633, are the following : Oct. 2, " The bark Blessing, which had been sent to the southward, returned. She had been at an island over against Connecticut, called Long Island, because it is near fifty leagues long. There, they had store of the best wampumpeak, both white and blue. They have many canoes, so great as one will carry eighty men. They were also in the river of Connecticut, which is barred at the entrance, so as they could not find above one fathom of water." On the twenty-first of January following, in the same year, news was received at Massachusetts that Captain Stone, putting in at the mouth of Connecticut, " on his way to Virginia, where the Pequin ♦ inhabit, was there cut off by them, with all his company, being eight." Within four months after the return of Hall, we find Newtown, now Cambridge, petitioning the court for liberty to remove the town to a more commodious site. On May 13, 1634, the inhabitants were granted leave to seek out some convenient place for themselves, with the promise that it should be confirmed to them for a habitation, provided that it did not take in any place to prejudice a plantation already settled. In this permit, no limit of jurisdiction was included, and, as early as July, "six men of Newtown went in the Blessing, to discover Connecticut River, intending to remove their town thither." We are left without any knowledge of the work accomplished by these six unknown men. It is probable that they had for a fellow passen- ger Governor Winslow of Plymouth, for he visited the Plymouth trading-house in his " bark," that summer. It is also possible and even probable that the tradition regarding the presence of English- men at Wethersfield in the winter of 1634, is based upon this visit and its results for a foundation ; if so, the men were not Watertown men who were there, but Newtown men, as is proven by the fact that it was not until May of 1635, that Watertown petitioned for leave to remove. It is well known that present Hartford was ♦ The Peqoots. S6 HISTORY OF WATERS URY, formerly Newtown; Windsor was Dorchester, and Wethersfield was Watertown, respectively named from the towns of the same names in the Bay, whence most of their first settlers came. In September 1634, the court convened, and its most important business was the serious discussion regarding the removal of Newtown to Connecticut. "The matter was debated divers days and many reasons alledged pro and con." Newtown men com- plained of the want of accommodation for their cattle, " so as they were not able to maintain their ministers." They had no room to receive more of their friends to help them. The towns were too near each other. Connecticut was fruitful and commodious, and Dutch or English would possess it soon. To these reasons was added, " the strong bent of their spirits," urging them to go. Massachusetts said that these men ought not to depart, because they were bound by oath to seek the welfare of the commonwealth, which was in danger, being weak, and the departure of Mr. Hooker would not only draw away many already in the Bay but would divert others from it. Beside, they who might go would be exposed to evident peril from the Dutch and Indians, " and also from our own State at home, who would not endure they should sit down, without a patent, in any place which our king lays claim unto." The outcome was, that both Boston and Watertown offered Newtown enlarged accommodations. The congregation of Newtown accepted, for the time, the offer of the towns, and the fear of their going forth was removed. The General Court had learned wisdom by the action of New- town, and, when in May of 1635 Watertown and Rocksbury, and in June, Dorchester sent up, asking permission to remove, the court granted all the requests, but limited the territory to some place within the jurisdiction of the Court. A careful reading of the records of Massachusetts Bay, from 1630 to 1636, and of Connecticut colony from 1636 to any subsequent date, will reveal to the reader the wisdom of the migration to Connecticut. The men who came to Wethersfield, Hartford, and Windsor, were not the men who could have " sat down in peace " under the jurisdiction of the Bay. It is well known that one man of their number, Thomas Hooker, could dispense " the shines of his favour " upon colony or continent — for, to the light of one sermon of his we owe the Constitution of our State and of our United States. We take but a step within the Records of Massachusetts in the year 1635, before we find the wisdom of the serpent well delineated in the Court's organized opposition to Connecticut's first attempts at LONDON* 8 PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY, 87 settlement. It squirms in the very laws enacted in that year, and repealed when there was no longer use for them. Certain of the men who wished to leave had taken the Freeman's Oath. In the beginning of 1635, it was ordered that every man, sixteen years or older, who had been six months in the jurisdiction, servants included, should take the oath of a Resident, with punishment at the discretion of the court, upon refusal — thus placing bonds upon themselves to remain within the jurisdiction of the Bay. If any resident should presume to leave without due permission, special laws were made for his speedy return by every means that could be pressed into service, on land or sea. The way was still farther hedged by an enactment that forbade any man to carry out of the jurisdiction a bushel of corn without the consent of the governor, or an assistant, under penalty of eight shillings, when com was selling for five shillings. Another law was made, forbidding resident or stranger to buy any commodity whatever from any ship, under penalty of confiscation, without like permission. Meanwhile, the elders and brethren of every church were entreated *' to devise one uniform order of discipline in the churches agreeable to the Scrip- tures, and to consider how far the magistrates were bound to inter- pose for the preservation of uniformity." This was, perhaps, the first open appeal from Court to Church. The battle was between the adherents of a " Covenant of Works," and a " Covenant of Grace," and we learn incidentally that Mr. Hooker was believed, by one man at least, not to preach a " Covenant of Works." It is well known that the corner stone of Church and State in the Bay was laid in mortar mixed only by church members, but a new enactment went forth at this time. It is not clear that it was aimed at the churches and congregations that removed to Connecti- cut, but there is nothing to evidence that such was not the case. It forbade a man the rights of citizenship, even though a church member, unless the particular church of which he was a member had been gathered with the consent of the neighboring churches and elders. The times were stirring with events. The first military organ- ization of the colony of twelve towns took place. But the crowning disturber of the period was Mrs. William Hutchinson, who came to Massachusetts about 1634, with her hus- band and son Edward. With her individuality, her able gifts, and her undoubted charm of manner, she wrought what was believed by the Puritans of the Puritans to be great mischief, by her daring flights of liberty of belief and thought. It is hard to understand why the court allotted her to be kept prisoner by one of her alleged captives, John Cotton, but the Puritans were a mysterious people. 88 BISTORT OF WATERS URT. and we need an interpreter. It finally became necessary in the eyes of the Court to deprive a considerable number of the staid inhabitants, notably fifty-nine men of Boston, of all fire-arms or other means of offense and defense. The very permits to the towns for removal, that have been cited, were accompanied by an edict, under which a committee was appointed to imprison persons suspected to be enemies to the Commonwealth and to bring in, '* alive or dead, such as should refuse to come under command or restraint." Did this mean such as should attempt to escape from jurisdiction into Connecticut ? This edict had been issued but a few days, when an arrival from England wrought a magical change in the hard heart of the Massa- chusetts Court. The arrival was only a little forty-ton bark, with twenty men in it, who were called servants. The bark and the men had been sent over by Sir Richard Saltonstall. The magic of the affair was, that they were " to go plant at Connecticut." The Court serpent at once became a courting-dove — and brooded her departing children with " three pieces to f ortifie themselves withall." Two small pieces of artillery were also lent to them for the same purpose, and six barrels of powder granted ; two out of Watertown ; two out of Dorchester, and two out of Rocksbury. To these were added two hundred shot, all of which Captain Underbill and Mr. Beecher (also a captain) were to deliver — and the Connecticut towns were granted liberty to choose their own constable. There was evident haste to take possession of the new territory before Sir Richard Saltonstall's men should begin their settlement, and the colonists, anxious to depart for Connecticut, went forth with the good -by blessing of the Court. It will be noticed that there was no requisition of powder from Newtown. This may have been because six men of that place (now Cambridge) were already upon the Connecticut River, for we know that they were there as early as July of 1634. Governor Winthrop tells us that the men of Dorchester were set down near the Plymouth trading -house (at Windsor), in August, 1635, at which date they had been there long enough to cause the Dutch to send home into Holland for com- mission to deal with the English at Connecticut. That the inhabitants were at Wethersfield early, maybe inferred from the fact that permission was given to Watertown to migrate early in May, and dismission granted by the church of the same place to members to form anew in a church covenant in Connecticut on the 29th of the same month. We find also that if the inhabi- tants were not removed from Watertown in Massachusetts to Watertown on the River, by the last of October, 1636, their inter- est in the lands to be divided was to be forfeited. LONDON'S PLANTATION IN THE MASSACHUSETTS BAT. 89 By the 6th of October, we learn from the journal of Governor Winthrop, that the three towns were gonf to Connecticut. On the day that Winthrop recorded that fact he tells us that there arrived two gresit ships, the Defence and the Abigail. John Winthrop, Jr., who had been in England for a number of months, and Sir Henry Vane were passengers on the ships. The fame of Connecticut had been carried across the sea. Men of station and fortune in England had secured a patent and charter and resolved to establish a new colony along the banks of the beautiful river. John Winthrop seems to have gone abroad on this very mission, for he returned with authority " from Lord Say, Lord Brook, and divers other great per- sons in England, to begin a plantation, and to be its governor." Men and ammunition and two thousand pounds in money he had, to begin a fortification at the mouth of the river. Massachusetts Bay took the part of her colony children when Sir Henry Vane treated with the magistrates concerning the three towns, gone thither. Sir Henry Vane thought that the towns should give place to the new commission, and Massachusetts seems to have demanded full satis- faction, in case they were required to do so. It was November before the new "Governor Winthrop, Jr.,'* by the appointment of the " Lords of Connecticut," sent a bark and about twenty men to take possession, and to begin building. This little expedition was only just off for its work, when there came in "a small Norsey bark, with one Gardiner, an expert engineer or work-base, and provisions of all sorts, to begin a fort at Saybrook.*' Nature frowned mightily upon little Connecticut in her first efforts at life. Her Indian children had been so reduced iix num- bers by small-pox in 1634, that the winter of 1635 found scanty store of corn or other provisions awaiting the emergency that came upon the white settlers when their own provision ships failed to arrive. The overland route was probably taken in the summer or autumn of 1635. The goods and provisions of the little company went by sea in two shallops, or barks. An east wind arose in the night. The boats were cast away upon " Browns Island near the Gurnetts Nose," and every man was drowned. Meanwhile, the people were waiting, not knowing why the lost barks failed them. Winter came before its time. Snow fell, when it was only time for leaves to fall. Early in November it was knee-deep. Before the ninth of the month six men had wandered for ten days in the cold and the snow in their efforts to reach Plymouth, having been cast away in " Man- amett " Bay, on their return from Connecticut. The fifteenth of November the river was closed by ice, thus cutting off, most com- pletely, all hope of their provisions reaching them by sea. The day 90 HI8T0RT OF WATERBURT, after the river was frozen, twelve men set out for Massachusetts, to secure help. Of this journey, we have the following record : "November 26, 1635, there came twelve men from Connecticut. They had been ten days upon their journey and had lost one of their company drowned in the ice by the way, and had been all starved, but that by God's providence they lighted upon an Indian wigwam." In their extremity, and having, it would seem, full faith that their lost barks would come to the river's mouth, about seventy men and women determined to brave the perils of a journey to meet them. Perhaps they also had some hope of relief from the provisions that were sent by the thirty -ton bark for the twenty men, at the fort, in the beginning of November. They did not meet the expected help, but they found the ship Rebecca of sixty tons. It is not quite clear whether the company went on board the Rebecca twenty miles up the river or at the river's mouth. Winthrop tells us that two days before, the ship had been frozen in twenty miles above the sound, and that it ran upon a bar in getting to sea and was forced to unload before it could get off. He also adds that the Rebecca was set free from the ice by a small rain. Historians tell us that these starving people cut it out. They arrived in Massachusetts December 10, having been but five days at sea, " which was a great mercy of God, for otherwise they had all perished with famine, as some did." A little later, Winthrop tells us that those of Dorchester who had removed their cattle to Connecticut before winter, lost the greater part of them, " but some, which arrived at the eastern bank too late to be taken over, lived all the winter without any hay ; that the people were put to great straits for want of provisions. They ate acorns and malt and grains." The hardships and suffering of that 1635 winter, have never been told — can never be known. The heroism of it has slipped noise- lessly down into unbroken silence. The names even of the men and the women who stayed to eat acorns and malt, or who wandered in snow and cold, without food, to the river's mouth ; or of those who braved the journey overland, or who perished by the way, are utterly unknown. But this we do know — that of the men and women who had part in the events outlined in this migration, were the fathers and mothers or the grandfathers and grandmothers of men and women who, two hundred and fourteen years ago, made their homes in the leafy basin that holds within its hill-notched rim the Waterbury of to-day. CHAPTER VII. MASSACHUSETTS BAY COLONY GOVERNS CONNECl'ICUT — JOHN OLDHAM AND THE PEQUOT WAR CONNECTICUT COLONY A MILITARY ORGANIZATION — GOVERNMENT BY THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE — THE FIRST GOVERNOR — BEGINNINGS OF TOWNS — FARMINGTON PLANTA- TION GROWTH OF LAWS — TROUBLES FROM AND WITH INDIANS FREEMEN ADMITTED — LAND BOUGHT AT DERBY — CONNECTICUT OBTAINS A CHARTER FROM KING CHARLES II — NEW HAVEN COL- ONY UNITES WITH CONNECTICUT — FORMATION OF COUNTIES — COUNTY COURTS. THE first civil officer in Connecticut was William Westwood. He was appointed by Massachusetts Bay constable of the plantations on Connecticut River in September, 1635, and seems to have been the sole representative of Law and Order during the first six months of the existence of the Colony. " John Winthrop, Jr., Governor" — as the son was called by the father. Governor John Winthrop of Massachusetts Bay — had apparently no desire to exercise authority over the colonists at Connecti- cut, although he had been commissioned to do so by the " Lords of Connecticut " in England. Winthrop was on the ground in the beginning of the year 1636, and remained for several months either up the river with the new towns, or at the fort at the mouth of the river. The General Court of the Bay, therefore, arose to the emergency of the hour in March, 1636, and created a provisional government, placing it in the hands of eight persons selected out of the number of their " loving friends, neighbors, freemen, and members, gone, and to go, unto the river." William Westwood was one of the eight. He had been appointed to the office of constable in 1635, and this appointment gives his name to us as a resident of Connecticut during the winter of that year. It was on the last day of May that Mr. Hooker and the rest of his congregation set off for Connecticut. We all know that this company went by land, and that Mrs. Hooker was carried in a horse-litter; that the company drove one hundred and sixty cattle, and fed of their milk by the way. It may not be as generally known that this company, when leaving Massachusetts, turned their backs upon fifteen great ships riding at anchor in the bay, so brisk was the business of emigration as then carried on, and that the echoes had scarcely died away from the volley of great shot fired by 92 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. the fleet on the election of Sir Henry Vane as governor. The first court was held at Hartford— then Newtown — in 1636. " Newtowne " in Massachusetts became Cambridge in 1638; Newtown in Connec- ticut became "Hartford Towne" in 1636. Five of the eight mem- bers of the government were present. Henry Stiles was the first legal culprit in the colony. He traded a " peece " for com with the Indians. He was ordered to regain it in a fair and legal way. The first act of legislation was an order forbidding to trade fire-arms, powder or shot with the natives. To this law the people had been obedient in Massachusetts. That the first months of civilized living in the river-valley were not months of the apprehension of evil from the Indian is evident; for it was not until after the seventh of June, 1636, that a watch was established, and even then it was to begin and end only when ordered by authority. Peace and prosperity reigned until July, when John Oldham came upon the scene in a most tragic manner. He had been out a long time on one of his trading expeditions; had visited the Pequot region and passed on to Block Island. John Oldham's personal properties and his real estate were widely scattered; his interests were many. He seems to have acted as agent for Governor Crad- dock in England, and for others. "One John Gallop, with one more and two little boys," passing through Long Island Sound, saw and recognized his pinnace about two miles from Block Island, in the hands of fourteen Indians. Gallop at once made war upon boat and Indian crew. After the onslaught was over, certain of the sav- ages having leaped into the sea, three Indians were left alive. Two of them were prisoned in the hold of Oldham's boat. One, having surrendered to Gallop, was bound and placed in his boat. Another surrenderer had been bound and dropped overboard. Oldham's body, still warm, was found under a seine. After committing it to the sea, Gallop sailed away with the pinnace in tow, but, in the night, the wind rising, it was cast adrift, with the Indians in its hold. Later, Gallop's prisoner implicated the Narragansetts in the murder of Oldham. Up to this time, it is believed that but one attack had been made by Indians upon white men within the limits of Connecticut. A Captain Stone, then of Virginia, but from indications the same Cap- tain Stone who had been forbidden under penalty of death to re- enter Massachusetts jurisdiction, and who was accounted a worth- less person, had, three years earlier, been slain, with his com- pany of eight persons. In 1634, certain of the Pequots desiring a treaty with Massachusetts Bay, declared that the sachem who had been guilty of this crime had been killed by the Dutch, and MAaSAGHUaBTTS BAY'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT, 95 that all but two of the Indians engaged in the murder had died of small -pox, and that Stone himself had provoked the deed by seizing two Indians, whom he bound and conveyed to his boat, compelling them to pilot it up the river. It was now the summer of 1636, and " The Bay " had made no effort to punish the crime or seek redress for the murder of this captain of Virginia, or for his crew. The news of the killing of John Oldham aroused the people of Massachusetts to a spirit of indignation, the vindictiveness of which causes us, for the time, to regret our English blood. They made haste to gather their warriors. In less than five weeks, ninety men under four commanders, and generaled by Endicott himself, set forth for war. Their commission bade them "put to death the men of Block Island, make of the women and children prisoners; and thence to go to the Pequots on the river Thames and demand the murderers of Captain Stone. If they refused, to demand as hostages Indian children. If denied, to take the hostages by force." As we have seen, two years had passed by; negotiations had more than once been carried on between "The Bay" and the Pequots, but no attempt had been made to secure the two Indian murderers who were left alive, showing that Stone's death was not a bereavement to the colony; but Oldham, with whom they had often differed, had a strong hold on their regard, and they desired to avenge his death. Block Island, as we see it to-day, does not seem an easy place for the men of two Indian towns to hide in, but hide they did in the brush-wood of oak that was so dense that men could only walk in file, so effectively, that ninety Englishmen could not find them in a two-days' search. When making a landing, about forty Indians had " entertained " them with their arrows, but these had immediately disappeared in the undergrowth. The Englishmen departed after having utterly destroyed two plantations, three miles apart, of sixty wigwams, " some of which were very large and fair," and two hun- dred acres of com and seven canoes. How many Indians they killed by firing into the thickets they knew not, but Winthrop tells us that not a hair fell from the head of any one of the ninety men, " nor any sick or feeble person among them," — the light scratch of an arrow upon the neck of one man and the foot of another not being apparently worth the mention. Going thence to the Connecticut shore the ninety men were joined by twenty more. These were doubtless Captain Underhill's twenty men who had been lent to the Saybrook fort by " The Bay," and we learn, incidentally, that they remained there three months. Augmented by this force the boats, four in number, set sail for the Thames river. There they pro- ceeded to do all the harm in their power to the Pequots. They 94 HiaTOBT OF WATERS UBY. burned wigwams on the left bank of the river and on the right, destroyed com, killed, it is said, fourteen Indians, wounded forty, and departed entirely unharmed. Alas ! The blood-thirsty savage ! But he learned, if slowly, the lesson of avengement from the her- alds of the Gospel of Peace. Six months later " a general fast was kept in all the churches in * The Bay ' because, among other causes, of the dangers of those at Connecticut and of ourselves also by the Indians." Oh, the deep satire of that fast ! (that is, as seen from our point of view). No wonder is it that "those of Connecti- cut showed themselves unsatisfied with this expedition against the Indians, finding themselves in danger," and compelled to join in the war of extermination which soon followed. No wonder is it that the Pequots found their way up the river in May, of 1637, as far as Wethersfield and avenged their losses by kill- ing and making captives. They killed six men, three women, and carried captive two young girls. This was the news by which Mr. Haynes, the first elected governor of the colony, was met at Say- brook about the fifth of May, 1637, when on his way with his family to join his fortunes with the men up the river. He wrote to Gover- nor Winthrop from Saybrook, announcing this first trouble with the Indians. History has it, but the authority is unknown to the writer, that the people of Wethersfield in buying their land from a friendly Indian, had promised that he might remain within the town limits, but expelled him, and that this violation of the treaty, as it were, with the Indian, caused him to bring the Pequots upon the settlement. We hope, for the good name of our fathers, that this is not true; but subsequent events create a strong probability that the statement was founded on fact. One of the pleasantest things that we have to record is that the two English maids were returned unharmed to their homes before May ended by the order of the Dutch Governor, who sent a sloop demanding them. When refused, he threatened to break his treaty with the Indians, and seized hostages with which he ransomed the captives. The work of the Pequots at Wethersfield was accomplished before the first of May, for .on that day the ninth session of court was held at Hartford. Six of the original members of it were pres- ent, and nine men called " comitties " appear in connection with its officers. Offensive war was declared against the " Pequoitt." Ninety men were levied out of the three plantations. Stricken Wethers- field furnished but eighteen of the number. The preparatory steps of this first war in our state are so simple that we may be forgiven for giving them. It must be kept in mind that every Englishman known to be within the limits of our state was confined to the three MA88A GHU8ETT8 BA Y'8 PLANT A TION IN CONNECTICUT, 95 gatherings of humanity up the river, and the men, possibly forty, who were in and about the fort at the river's mouth. With the ninety men went twenty "Armour" and 180 bushels of com. Of this com, each plantation was to bake into biscuit one- half of its proportion if by any means it could do so; the other half was to be in ground meal. " For the captain and the sick men," there was to be a hogshead of good '* beare," three or four gallons of strong water and two gallons of " sacke." The suet, butter, oat- meal, pease, salt and five hundred of fish, Hartford furnished. Windsor provided the pork, rice and cheese; while unfortunate Wethersfield had to give but a single bushel of " Indian Beanes." Every soldier carried one pound of powder, four of shot, and twenty " bulletts." From the river's mouth was to be taken a barrel of powder and a light gun, if it could be carried. Thus equipped, the soldiers of Connecticut Colony set forth to perform deeds forced upon them by the cruel onslaught of Endicott upon the Indians. Thus equipped, they sailed past the fort orna- mented by the heads of seven slain Pequots. No man worthy of the name can read of this onslaught without horror of spirit, or think of it without whole-souled pity and poignant regret. Alas, for the poor Pequot ! Treacherous he may have been, but no war- rior was he ! He could die in hundreds and he did, while but a single Englishman gave up his life in the slaughter. War it could not be called. The attitude of the two races was permanently changed by it Faith in the white man departed for ever from the Indian. Englishmen looked with guilty suspicion upon the Red man to the end. Confidence expired in blood and flame. Peace was gone from the land. Henceforth, life became a series of efforts to protect itself. It does not in any degree relieve the repulsiveness of the situation to take in the broad view of the natural selection of the races. In their turn, the Indians were avenged. A century of care and perplexity, accompanied by wakeful nights and anxious days, often emphasized by present terror and cruel death, was borne by the guilty and by the innocent. To-day, interest is beginning to develop itself in regard to this Indian, whom, every year, we have been driving into thickets of wrongs, until he has degenerated into what he is. And what is he } In the Soldiers' Field, at Hartford, we find as land owners three Waterbury names: John Warner, John Bronson and Thomas Barnes, the father of Benjamin of Mattatuck, who, we have reason to think, were soldiers in this Pequot war. On the second of June, 1637, thirty men were sent out of the three plantations into the Pequot country, to maintain the right that " God, by conquest," had given 96 HISTORY OF WATERS URT, them. Crops had suffered from want of attention, during the weeks of war, and the following February, Indian corn was not to be had,, except from the Indians, who were treated very unfairly even in this thing. John Oldham's estate was the first settled in Con- necticut, and the court had much pains and trouble regarding it. Connecticut, by virtue of her conquest, began at once to collect tribute from the Indians, and in three years' time, the magis- trates at Hartford were sending all the way to Uncoway, our Fair- field, to collect it. It is well known that the pursuit of the Pequots to their final refuge gave to Englishmen their knowledge of the sea-coast lying to the westward towards the Dutch, and opened the way for the settlements at New Haven and Milford, which had their beginnings in the next year, and that the result of the war made of Connecticut colony a military organization, almost to a unit. Every man above sixteen years old was to bear arms, except he was excused by the court, or unless he was a church officer or an officer of the General or other Courts. There was a magazine of powder and shot in every plantation, fifty corslets were provided " and kept in the meeting-house," ♦ at Hartford, and every military man was continually to have in his house ** half a pound of good powder, two pounds of bullets and a pound of match." Captain John Mason was the public military officer of the plantations. He was to train the men in each town ten days in the year; but not in June or July — Mason to give a week's warning. Watch by night and ward by day began. And thus was the century of care and tribulation inaugurated by our fathers in the towns on the river. Connecticut's treatment of the Indians after the subjugation and well-nigh extermination of the Pequot tribe, is a study at once curious and most interesting. She held out her mailed hand for tribute; extended a legal protectorate over a right or two that the Red man might possibly be thought to own by virtue of his crea- tion; admitted in many ways, with apparent unconsciousness, the wrongs she committed against him (as that in the Wethersfield trouble " the first breach was on the part of the English) ; " held him off, and lured him on, and knew no more what to do with him then than we do now. She tried quite earnestly to convert him; at the same time holding him responsible for crimes that he never commit- ted, and possibly knew nothing about. The Indians rebelled against imputed sin and other wrongs to such a degree that a whole century passed away before a chief of the Indian natives sought admission to a Christian church. When he came, his name was Ben Uncas, a * This gives the date of the first meeting-house at Hartford, as 1637. MASSACHUSETTS BAT'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT 97 sachem of the Mohegans. Being willing to encourage so good " a beginning, the Assembly desired the Governor to procure for him a coate made in the English fashion, and a hat, and for his wife a gown.*' The desire was granted. In the end of the year 1637, in March, Agawam (Springfield) sent deputies to the court. On the 14th of January, 1638, Mr. Hooker's sermon bore fruit in the constitution of Connecticut colony. A governor was about to be made, and his oath of office, as well as that of future magistrates and constables, was made ready. The governor promised in his oath "to execute justice according to the rule of God's word; " the magistrate, "according to the righteous rule of God's word," and the constable, " to execute all lawful commands or warrants from any magistrate or court." "John Haynes, Esq.," was chosen governor May 11, 1639. The deputy governors, the magistrates, the secretary and the treasurer were all chosen at the same meeting of the freemen, and the wheels of government immediately began to revolve, according to the will of the people. We can readily imagine that the occasion was one of great rejoicing on its first occurrence, and the election sermon and election cake commemorated it annually far into the present cen- tury. Thus early, a correspondence began with the neighbors at Quinnipiac. No person was punished for any crime or misdemeanor during three years from 1636 to 1639, and few complaints were made. That mild-mannered gentleman, Mr. Pinch eon, was " ques- tioned about imprisoning an Indian at Agawam, whipping an Indian and freeing of him," and a few fines were laid, but Justice held her hands off. In August, a treaty of combination with " The Bay " was thought of, but it was deferred after consultation with Mr. Fenwick, who had arrived at the fort, on account of the matter of bounds. It is impossible to write a page of the history of this period and leave out the Indian question. It suddenly comes to the front at this time in one of the incomprehensible ways practiced by our fathers. Soheage, sometimes called Sequin, was a sachem of Weth- ersfield. Divers injuries had been done to him by the English. He^ in turn, committed wrongs against them, but between them all for- mer wrongs had been remitted the year before. He had been com- pelled to move down to Middletown. It does not appear that any new offense had been committed, but the Indians were accused of growing insolent, and the court was " put in mind that it had long neglected the execution of justice upon the former murtherers of the English." Surely, Oldham had been avenged, and the Wethers- 7 98 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. field victims, if they fell by the hands of the Pequots, had been most vengefully avenged; but now, in mid- August of 1639, two years after the Pequot war, one hundred men were levied to be sent down to Middletown, to demand the guilty persons of Soheage, who was accused of harboring them. They desisted from their demands only by the persuasion of the New Haven people, who appealed for their own safety, and perhaps more potently because of the harm that might come to Connecticut colony and New Haven alike, by "the noise of a new war, that might hinder the coming of ships the next year." Of all things, the colonists dreaded anything inimical to immigration. The war-spirit contented itself for the time, by sending forty men in two shallops, with two canoes, to gather the corn that the Indian husbandmen had planted on land that had been conquered by the English to the eastward. It was said that the planting had been done contrary to agreement. This corn-robbing expedition was undoubtedly carried out, for, on the third of October, "the soldiers for the last exploit " were ordered paid for nine days, at two shillings per day. Meanwhile, the first Thanksgiving on record in Connecticut had been held on the i8th of September, 1639. Before October, 1639, Stratford, under the name of Pequanocke,* had the beginnings of a plantation, the formula for which we do not find, and Roger Ludlow, the former commandant of Castle Island, in Boston harbor, had taken upon himself to set Uncoway, or Fairfield, going into the ways of a well-ordered plantation. Gov- ernor Haynes and Mr. Wells made a visit at this time to Stratford, to see how matters were going there; to make freemen and admin- ister the oath of fidelity to the planters, and to assign Sergeant Nicholls, the ancestor of the Nichols family of Waterbury, to train the men and exercise them in military discipline; and then to visit Fairfield, in order to condemn or confirm the proceedings of Roger Ludlow there. This year, 1639, was an important year. Towns were insured certain rights in their own lands, and powers were bestowed for choosing officers and making orders for well-ordering the same. In fact, the town meeting was fully ordained, with its town book and town clerk, and the Probate Court was established at Hartford. There was one act of this October court, the result of which, if it did result in action, historians would delight to find. Six men of the three towns were appointed to gather up the passages of God's providence that had been remarkable since the first undertaking of the plantations, in each town, and then, jointly, to gather them up and deliver them unto the court, and if they * It was also called Cupheage. MASSACHUSETTS BAT'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT. 99 were judged then fit, they were to be recorded. Will this record be found ? Thus early, the spirit of unrest had come upon the plantations. Men of Wethersfield had flitted and were about to flit to Milford and to Fairfield, and now, just as the year was ending, in January, 1639, a committee was appointed, at the request of the planters of all these towns, to view the lands by Unxus Sepus (at Farmington) with all haste, that a new plantation might there be made. So urgent did this seem, even in the wintry weather, that the court was adjourned while the country should be viewed. The weather proved too severe, and Wethersfield, which seemed the most impor- tunate in the matter, agreed to wait until the next meeting of the General Court. Undoubtedly, the departure of persons from the last mentioned town to Milford and Fairfield was greatly deplored, and every means was used to keep her inhabitants near by. It has not been an easy matter to obtain light on the beginnings of indi- vidual towns; the lands of the original three plantations were ample, and could be extended by a word from the court. The children of the planters were not grown, in three years, to man's estate. A new generation had not come upon the stage to find all the places of public trust filled, and to desire to make new offices in a new place; therefore, this longing to emerge from town bounds could not have been born of the want of land. These early men were only just out of the toils of English life and law, and to every one of them who was endowed by nature with a spark of individu- ality, we can safely attribute an overwhelming desire to wield the power within him, without let or hindrance. Such was the stability of English life then, as now, that men had no expectation of rising above the station into which they were born; therefore, in the new condition of things, what was more natural than that every man should seek to be born into a new town, whose good places were not already seized upon } The conditions for the planting of Farming- ton were to be made in July of 1640, but the particular court of that date omits to give us the details, and because of this omission, we are obliged to grope in ignorance, gathering here and there the con- ditions attending the formation of plantations. In April of 1640, "Mr. Hopkins, Esqr.," was made governor, fif- teen men were made freemen, the bounds between Stratford and Fairfield were ordered, and the late governor, Mr. Haynes, had to make the journey to determine them. The first prison in the colony was prepared for, at Hartford. It was to be of stone, or wood, twenty-four feet long and sixteen or eighteen feet broad, with a cellar. Our Thomas Hancox presided over the Hartford prison after he left loo HISTORY OF WATERBURT. Waterbury in 1691. Intended marriage engagements were to be published in some public place and at some public meeting at least eight days before the parties became engaged, and the same interval was required between the engagement and the celebration of the marriage covenant. Hartford bad one hundred and fourteen land owners, and the court was, as usual, very busy making laws to pre- vent the Indians from becoming bold and insolent. Any Indian who had the curiosity to touch any weapon of any sort in house or field, was to pay half a fathom of wampum and to pay " life for life, lymbe for lymbe, wound for wound " in case of accident to life or limb thereby. Moreover, the culprit was to pay for the healing of such wounds; if he stole he was to pay double and receive such pun- ishment as the " magestrats " chose to inflict. He might not enter the house of an Englishman; and he might not enter the plantations, except on conditions. The first will appeared on record — that of Henry Pack [?], wherein he bestowed upon the church the clock that his brother Thornton had bought. The first prisoner was kept by John Porter, constable of Windsor, with lock and chain, and held to hard labor and coarse diet; the Oath of Fidelity for the western plantations at Stratford and Fairfield was made ready; the Hartford portion of the first highway in the colony — that from Hartford to Windsor — was mended sufficiently " for man to ride and go on foot and make drift of cattle comfortably," and to the governor was given liberty of free-trade up the river for seven years. In this year, 1640, the colonists took a long look ahead. They recognized the vital necessity of securing to themselves some com- modity to defray the charges consequent upon supplying their needs from abroad. The raising of English grain seemed to the government to promise well for that end, and it at once gave per- mission to all persons within its plantations to seek out suitable ground where it might soonest be raised, and granted to each " teeme " furnished a hundred acres of ploughing ground and twenty of meadow. The main condition to be regarded was, that twenty acres, that is, the meadow, was to be improved the first year, and the one hundred within three years. Careful and minute orders concerning the same were to be carried out by a committee, of whom the " Worshipfull " Edward Hopkins was one. Men were to send in their names and be served by the town, after the commit- tee had made choice for themselves. A competent lot was to be allowed for each owner of a team, for a workman to manage the business and carry on the work. Stock removed to such place was to be levied to the town from whence it came. The committee might even admit inhabitants plantation-wise. In fact, from these MASSACHUSETTS BA Y'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT. loi and other orders, we may look to this enterprise in grain-raising as the nucleus of more than one town. It seems probable that Eng- lish Grass meadow in Waterbury, now in Plymouth, was one of the meadows early sought out for raising grain by some Farmingtonian. If cotton has ever been king, far-seeing Governor Hopkins was the first to recognize it, for, in 1640, he undertook '' the furnishing and setting forth a vessel to those parts where the said comodity was to be had, that a trade of Cotton Wooll be set upon and attempted." This vessel went and came with its cargo of ** cotton wool," and this name for cotton was in general use in Connecticut after 1830. Thus early was an order for the preservation of the forests sent forth, that the material for the supply of pipe-staves remain undimin- ished. The export of pipe-staves was an important and extensive industry and regulated with great care. The staves were to be four inches broad, four feet and four inches long, half an inch in thick- ness besides the sap, and if under four inches in breadth they were to go for half staves. A supply of linen cloth was desirable — experience had thus early taught them that much land lay about that might be improved in hemp and flax. To this end, every family was ordered to procure and plant, that year, one spoonful of Eng- lish hemp-seed in fruitful soil. This was for seed-supply for the year following, wherein every family, although no cattle were kept, was ordered to sow ten perches; if any cattle, twenty perches; if draft cattle, one rood of hemp, or flax. Country rates, "yet behind unpayed," were to be accepted in merchantable Indian corn at three shillings the bushel; other indebtedness of labor, or contract, or commodity, at three shillings four pence the bushel. That the fear of the Indians was not appalling, appears from the fact that six men were sent into the Mohegan country to plant com near Uncas, and were to remain until the harvest should be over. It will thus be seen how far away the colonists were reach- ing to occupy the meadows, even in 1640, and so the suggestion already made, that Waterbury, as an occupied locality, is a number of years older than it has been accounted will not be deemed unwor- thy of consideration. Among the laws of 1640, is the following : " It is Ordered that what p'son or p^'sons w'**in this jurisdiction shall, after September, 1 641, drinke any other Tobacco but such as is or shall be planted within these libertyes, shall forfeit for every pound so spent five shillings, except they have license from the Courte." The first land bestowed upon any individual by the government, was Fisher's Island. It was bestowed under its present name, and 102 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. at his own request, upon John Winthrop, subject to the "public good of the Country and trade of fishing or salt and such like." The grasp of the government upon the individual in those mat- ters in which he might be supposed to be a law unto himself, must have been extremely irksome. His very apparel was subjected to restraint in material, in cost, and in form; his labor was under the law of hours and his rewards were fixed. No man might give or receive more than the sum determined by the General Court, except he abide the censure of that court — but this law was unpopular and soon repealed. The selling prices for most commodities were given, — and the Indian was to receive less for his corn than the white man might take. Rumors of war floated in. Mr. Ludlow, down at Fair- field, had been told by a friendly sachem that the Indians of Mid- dlctown, Narragansett and elsewhere, had a combined plot for des- troying the Engflish. A Long Island Indian revealed the plot to Mr. Eaton, at New Haven, and a Connecticut River Indian told of it. How unfriendly all the Indians were ! Mr. Saltonstall, whose lands lay above Windsor, promised to lend the Country two pieces of ordnance — " Sakers or Minions." These pieces of ordnance undoubtedly came in the forty- ton bark, in 1635, when twenty pas- sengers were " to go plant at Connecticut." The Bay was immed- iately " writt " unto to further the prosecution, or persecution, of the Indians. All fire arms were to be made perfect. A magistrate alone might receive a sachem, if he had but two men with him. For the first time — this was in August of 1642— a guard of forty men was to attend the meeting every Sabbath and lecture-day "complete in their arms," and the members of the court took an oath to keep secret its doings. The Indians were gathering for some purpose, supposed to be warlike, about Tunxis, or present Farmington. The most stringent enactments were issued: The Englishman might not deliver to any Indian, articles that he had contracted for; much less do any work for him in iron or steel, or even buy his venison; sixty "halfe Pickes " were ordered, to be of ten feet length, at least, in the wood, and the watching and warding were set in force with new zeal. A month passed by in quiet, and then ninety coats were ordered to be made defensive against Indian arrows, by being basted with cotton wool. Governor Hopkins's ship had come in; hence, the supply of " cotton wool." Six weeks went by. No harm came from Tunxis or other Indians, and, on the first of December 1642, the Capital Laws of the Colony, twelve in num- ber, were promulgated. At this date, that " master-piece of woman's wit," Mrs. Hutchin- son, appears to have been dwelling on the river, for Dr. Bray MASSACHUSETTS BA Y'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT. 1 03 Rossiter tries to collect a bill of ;^24o from her, but accepts ;^23, by- order of Court. So attractive had the Indians become in three months* time to certain of the inhabitants that they took up their abode with them, and the Court found it expedient to enact a penalty for such abiding with the Indians; making it at least three years' imprisonment in the " house of correction," besides fine and corporal punishment; and no man might make any "arrowheads" for Indians under penalty of a ten pound fine, and tribute was demanded from Long Island Indians also. In 1643 a weekly market was established, to be held every Wed- nesday at Hartford. This was for all manner of commodities, merchandise, and cattle. Highway surveyors were appointed, with liberty to call out every team and person fit for labor one day in the year to work, especially on the ways which were between town and town. The Grand Jury of twelve persons was ordered, and the foundations of the family state were considered. It was declared that " the prosperity and well-being of commonwealths did much depend upon the well government and ordering of particular families " and, as this " could not be expected where the rules of God were neglected in laying the foundation of a family state," it was ordered that no person remaining under the government of parents, masters or guardians " should make or give entertainment to any motion or suit in way of marriage without the knowledge and consent of those to whom they stood in such relation," neither should any third person intermeddle in the matter. The commissioners of the United Colonies, in session at Boston, in October, 1643, decided that Miantinomo be delivered up to be murdered by his captor, Uncas. The harrowing story rises up again and again, and we can only cry, "Oh, why was this thing permitted ?" Neither timidity nor fear can wholly account for it. Fearing that the Narragansetts would seek to avenge the death of their sachem, it was ordered that eight men be sent to Mohegan to defend Uncas, and that each town prepare itself for defensive war. It was forbidden "to sell for day," or trust any Indian with goods or commodities, and the meeting-house guard was increased to one man from every family in which there was a soldier, who was to carry a " muskett, pystoll, or some peece," with powder and shot, to each meeting. The forfeit was twelve pence for every neglect — and forty pounds were paid to Mr. Fenwick for repairs on the fort at Saybrook. In December, 1643, there was kept a Day of Humiliation. This day seems to have been popular. In January, because of the state of their native Country, it was decided that there should be monthly a day of humiliation, " according to the course of their neighbors at New Haven.** Wednesday was the day. I04 BISTORT OF WATERS URT, The inhabitants were ordered to bring in their measures and yards and weights once in the year, to be tried and compared with the standard. Only sealed measures might be used — and only measures of seasoned wood might be sealed — and if any measure was found too little, the "scale was to be cutte out." Persons were forbidden to sell"Wyne and Strong Water " without license from the " p^'ticuler Court," or any two magistrates. It had become custom- ary to sell the forbidden articles from vessels on the river, and from houses. In June, 1644, for the benefit of many strangers and pas- sengers (thus incidentally giving us a picture of the growth of inter- course), one sufficignt inhabitant in each town was to keep an " Ordi- nary, for provisioning and lodging in comfortable manner; that strangers and passengers might know where to resort." The inhab- itants were to choose the men for this service, and two magistrates were to decide upon the fitness of the men for the work. It was at this time — eight years after the settlement — that the law was enacted requiring parents to certify to the Town Clerk, within three days after the birth of a child, the date of its birth, and every man within three days after his marriage, the date of that marriage. For every default, the penalty was five shillings. The Register was to receive sixpence for recording the day of the marriage and two pence for the day of the birth. The order concerning trading with the Indians was repealed, and Uncas, "who hath bine a friend to the English," might enter the house of a magistrate or a trader, with twenty men, and his brother with ten; other sachems, if they came not with above four men. In this year, James Hallet, an unfortunate soul of Windsor, for his theft, was to restore tenfold " for that should be proved against him, and to be branden in the hand, the next Trayening day, at Windsor." Up to this date, about six cases of corporal punishment are to be met with. The stocks at Windsor, and the pillory at Hart- ford, had been made to do duty. There had been one case of brand- ing in the cheek the letter R, and perhaps two cases of whipping " at the cart's tail," at Hartford. In October, 1644, we find six towns within Connecticut colony. They are Hartford, Windsor, Wethersfield, Stratford, Uncoa or Fairfield, and Southampton on Long Island. The latter town had sought admission. We learn the number by the appointment of two men in every town within the jurisdiction to demand of every family what it would give for the maintenance of scholars at Cam- bridge, formerly Newtown. This free-will offering, largely in corn, was, for many years, gathered annually into the place prepared for MASSACHUSETTS BAY'S PLANTATION IN GONNECTIGUT, 105 it, and at the convenient time, it, or its value, was sent up to " that Schoole of the Prophets wch now is" — Harvard College. Before the end of the year 1644, Connecticut had overfilled the markets of Plymouth and Massachusetts Colonies with grain, and a company of exporting merchants seems to have been formed, chief of whom were our enterprising Governor Hopkins and Mr. William Whiting. To them, and to them only, was corn to be sold to go out of the river, for two years, and the prices for wheat, rye, and pease were regulated for them. Cattle and " Swyne '* above half a year old, were to be ear-marked or branded and regis- tered in the town book. From the beginning, the possession of the fortification and lands at the river's mouth had been desired, and in the agreement for their purchase, which was entered into in this year, Mr. Fenwick was to receive two pence per bushel for all grain that should be exported out of the river for ten years, and six pence per hundred for all " biskett " so exported. For every hog that was killed in any of the towns on the rive^, twelve pence per annum. For every sow or mare that was in the towns, the same sum; and twenty shillings for every hogshead of beaver traded out of the Jurisdiction, " and paste away down the River." The payments were to be in beaver, wampum, wheat, barley or pease, at the most common and indiffer- ent rates. Stringent measures were taken to prevent collusive deal- ings, and the concealing of stock, with penalties annexed. This was a very heavy tax upon the five towns. Hartford had added to her weekly market two fairs in the year, one in May, the other in Sep- tember. In 1645 we find the colony taking the most vigorous measures "for the cnlardgement of the libertyes of the Patent for the Juris- diction," for, in the sale made by Mr. Fenwick, he did not include the jurisdiction, although he promised to secure it, if he could. That he failed, and that he was under some pecuniary obligation to the country because of this failure, may be fairly inferred from a clause in his will, in which he leaves ;^5oo to the country, contingent upon Governor Hopkins's approval. The story of the patent and charter, if it could be clearly told, would be of very great interest. For five years little Farmington had been a plantation under the name of Tunxis, but on the first of December, 1645, she was given her English name, her bounds were established, and town rights conferred. Saybrook, or- "Seabrooke," was added to the towns, making the number eight in 1645. But we may not linger in this interesting search, but must pass quickly over the field covering the period down to the beginning of our own plantation, merely io6 HISTORY OF WATERS URT. mentioning that in 1646 our first " Body of Laws " was to be "drawn forth" by Mr. Ludlow (Fairfield therefore was probably the place where the work was done), that the destruction of a wolf was rewarded with ten shillings, that no man might let any land to the Indians, because " they mixed themselves in their labors with the English," and that the delivery of Miantinomo to Uncas caused the sending forth of forty men in this year, for " warrs," and for the support of Uncas; after which the knapsacks, pouches and powder were gathered up and delivered to Mr. Talcott. Whatever the formula may have been for the planting of planta- tions, we have not found it. Middletown is the ninth in number^ although nearly six years of plantation life passed, as in our own case, before it became a town. It must be mentioned that the business of whale fishing dates back to the year 1647, and that the probable pioneer in that business was Mr. Whiting. The company were to have seven unmolested years to make their fortunes in, but Mr. Whiting died within the first year. It was in March, at the very close of the year 1647, that Sims- bury was to be purchased by the country, to be disposed of to inhabitants of Windsor, and the purchase was to be repaid by those that should enjoy it. The first trace of witchcraft that the writer has noticed, appears in December of 1648, when the "Jury found a Bill of Inditemenf against " Mary Jonson, on her own confession." New London, in its formative stages, dates back to the sending of men to perpetuate the conquest of the Pequots, directly after the war. In 1648 Mr. John Winthrop was appointed magistrate there. The next year its bounds were laid and a court erected, and the Indians were not to set any traps within the bounds; but hunting and fishing, except upon the Sabbath day, were allowed to them in all the towns at that date. Faire Harbour was the first name chosen by the court for the town, but because it was an excellent harbor and a fit place for future trade, and also the only place that the English had possessed in Connecticut by conquest (and the court added that it was by a very just war upon that great and warlike people, the Pequots), and in memory of London, the new town, " settled upon the fair River of Monhegin in the Pequot country," was called New London. The earliest mention of Stamford, in Connecticut colony, is in 1649. John Whittmore, late of Stamford, had been killed by the Indians. The court judged it " lawful and according to God in way of revenge of his blood," to make war upon the natives in and about the premises. They consulted with New Haven and ordered forty- five Connecticut men to prepare for the war. MASSACHUSETTS BA Y'S PL ANT A TION IN CONNECTICUT. loj In November, 1649, East Hampton, on Long Island, was "accepted and entertained *' under the government, it being "their importunate desire."' Samuel Smith and others of Wethersfield had a ship at that port ready for her first voyage, and desired to freight it with pipe-staves. The 19th of December, 1649, was Thanksgiving day. In 1650 foreigners were not to retail any goods within the juris- diction, nor were their goods to be retailed by any one. June nth was Thanksgiving day, and in November of the same year, on a Wednesday, there was another Thanksgiving day. In June of 1650 certain men of Hartford asked leave for a plantation at Norwalk. If the way for such an undertaking "was clear and good," and the number and quality of the men engaged in it were such as might rationally carry on the work to the advantage of the "publique welfare and peace," and the people were willing to look after their own defense' and safety, and the divisions of lands were made according to just rules approved by a committee appointed by the court, and the people would pay their just proportion of public charges, this plantation was allowed, and in 165 1 it reached town estate. At this date, 165 1, and for several years before, families and small companies of families had been and were living remote from the several towns, and to these solitary dwellers and scattered ham- lets we are able to trace a considerable number of the towns, both early and late, and others, that we cannot follow, doubtless owe their origin directly to some advance dweller in the wilds, who went with or without permission. In October of 165 1, the people were building the great bridge at Hartford, and a day of fasting and humiliation was kept, because of " some diseases or infection," that was among their " neighbors and friends of the Massachusetts." The beginning of 1653 found the Government greatly interested in the preservation of the people in and about Saybrook, because of the Indians, and apprehensions regarding the Dutch — England and Holland being at war. They were ordered to gather the scat- tered families into the town. The " Corporation in England " sent arms and ammunition for the United Colonies, of which Connecti- cut received to the value of sixty pounds. The Indians near all plantations were compelled to testify their fidelity to the English by delivering up their guns and other arms to the Governor or the Magistrate. They were not to walk in the night, except with a message to the English, and then they were to deliver themselves up to the watch, and were to be shot by the watch, if they did not. jo8 HI8T0RT OF WAT^RBURT. On the first of March, 1653, Governor Haynes died. In 1654, by- order of Parliament, the colony was expected to "demeane itself against the Dutch, as an enemy to the Commonwealth of England." Accordingly, it sequestered in England's name " the Dutch house, the Hope, with all the lands, buildings, and fences thereunto belonging." " Barbados Liquors, commonly called Rum, Kill Devill or the like," had reached the colonies at this time, and the use of them had made sad havoc among the Indians, so that the most pro- hibitory laws possible were enacted. The rapid deterioration of the natives seems to date from the importation of these liquors. Wars and rumors of wars filled the horizon. " Oliver, Lord Protector of England," wrote a letter to the General Court in relation to a pro- posed expedition that stirred the colonists deeply. Uncas himself began to make complaints of unfair treatment from the English, in the taking of his lands. The United Colonies resolved upon war with Ninigret, and forty-five men were called forth to the Niantic country. They were to meet in Hartford and there begin their march. The want of an able interpreter had prevented the conveyance of the knowledge of God to the natives, and duly con- sidering " the glory of God and the everlasting welfare of those poore, lost, naked sonnes of Adam," the Court " wrott " unto Thomas Mynor of Pequot to send his son John to Hartford, that he might be educated to assist the elders to interpret the things of God to them.* And here we meet the very familiar name of Daniel Porter. He was to be allowed and paid out of the public treasury, as a salary for one year, six pounds, and in addition six shillings a jour- ney to each town upon the river, " to exercise his arte of chiur- gerie." The first mention that is made of the Housatonic River is in 1656, when it is called the Paugasitt River. The jurisdiction rights of Connecticut over the region embraced by this river are not evi- dent to us, and were not to the colony itself, for at the date last given, Stratford requested that their bounds to the northward might be established, and the answer was, that the bounds should be "twelve miles northward by the Paugasitt River," if the juris- diction had the right of its disposal. In 1656, we make the acquaintance, slight though it be, of our friend William Judd, the eldest of the five Judd brothers who cast their lot in with Waterbury at its beginning. He was in this year made a freeman. We learn, also, that wolf-pits were constructed to ♦ This lad, John Minor, sent to Hartford from New London, was one of the pioneer settlers of Wood- bury. It was he who Mras upon the committee for establishing the bounds between Mattatuck and Wood bury in 1680. MASSACHUSETTS BA T'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT. 109 catch wolves, because of the bounty derived from their capture, and that the penalty for stealing a wolf from the pit, to either Indians or English, was ten shillings, or six stripes of whipping, and that no town might entertain a Quaker, Ranter, Adamite, or other noto- rious heretic, above fourteen days, unless the town so choosing to entertain, pay five pounds per week for its safe harboring of them. We rejoice to assure the reader that this law did not arise within the heart, or brain, or at the hands of our Connecticut Colony, but was adopted by the United Colonies at the suggestion of the gov- ernor and magistrates of Massachusetts Colony. From the same source came the law of this year, forbidding the sale of a horse to an Indian, or any boats or "barkes," or any tackling belonging there- unto. It is agreeable to find that Mamanto, probably our good Indian of " Mantoe's House Rocks," twenty-four years later, in 1680, was by special grant of the Court permitted to have a horse, and he was perhaps (with a good degree of probability) employed with his horse as special messenger between Farmington and Mattatuck in that year of our house-building, for the rocks were named for him here, and the natural and artificial marks of his horse were recorded in Farmington.* In 1656, in the three river towns there were 447 land owners, whose estates were valued at ;£47,7io. Dr. Daniel Porter's "sal- lery" was continued, and a Dutchman, whose name was "Mr." Lawrence Cornelius, was admitted by New London and the General Court an inhabitant of that town, he to have free trade there. Free- men were admitted to the colony by the General Court; inhabitants were admitted to a town by a major vote of the town. The deputies of a town were to give certificates to men desiring to be made free- men, that the candidates were of peaceable and honest conversation, but the court reserved the right to accept or reject them at its pleasure. The qualifications required were, that the candidates should be householders who were one-and-twenty years of age, who had borne office, or who possessed thirty pounds estate. In the end of this year Stephen Hopkins, our first miller, he who built the mill which was here in 1680, was made a freeman. In 1656, also, the troubles in the church at Hartford culminated. Massachusetts min- isters and elders voluntarily proposed to visit that town and counsel the opposing parties. A " synnod " was held. In May, 1657, sixty-five freemen were added to the list, and the Gunn name appears in the colony in the person of Jasper Gunn, who was freed from training, watching and warding "during his practise of physsicke." He had been in Connecticut earlier, cer- * See references to Mantow and Momantow on pag^e 30. no HISTORY OF WATERBURT. tainly in 1648, and in 1649 he was attending the mill at Hartford, while Thomas Gunn was a jurym?an still earlier. The Gunn family- filled an important place in the life of Waterbury in subsequent years. Indians at Farmington were troublesome in 1657. A "most hor- rible murder" was committed by them at that place.* Tekomas, Agedowsickf and Wonanntownagun, alias Great James, were to be kept in prison as pledges until the murderers should be brought forth to trial and judgment. The estate of one Indian was sequestered, and the inhabitants of Farmington were to seek out, and bring before the governor, Indians who might be suspected of the crime, while the Indians themselves in and about Farmington were directed to nominate a sachem. It was a serious office to hold, that of an Indian sachem, for the English held the "heathen prince" strictly accountable for all the crimes committed by his tribe; but in this case at Farmington there seems to have been no sachem to bring to account. A fire was also occasioned at the same or nearly the same time, by which certain houses were burned; it is believed that the houses were owned by William Lewis or Francis Browne, or perhaps both. For this fire the Indians of Tunksis Sepus or Farmington, mutually pledged themselves to make an annual payment to the court for seven years of the full sum of eighty fathom of wampum. " Mamanto," (our " Mantow," it is thought), was one of the four Indians who signed this agreement. A committee was appointed to distribute the payments to Lieutenant Lewis and Francis Browne, to make up their loss by fire. This year 1657 comes to us of Waterbury with a thrill of interest, for this is the year in which we have direct and recorded evidence that white men, whose names we know, traversed some portion at least, of our valley; men who a little later were active in preparations for its settlement, and one of whom, John Stanly, lived an honorable and active life in our community until after 1700; the other, John Andrews, died while preparations for settlement were in progress. The patience of the law-givers must have been greatly tried when Indians who had a grievance met in court, each sachem to plead his own case. The court wearied with their speeches, when on one occasion Uncas and a sachem named Foxon "justi- fied in many words." Great wisdom was required to bestow just verdicts, when present troubles were complicated with old feuds *In the diary of John Hull, under date of April 23d, in this year, he tells us that this murder was that of an English woman and her maid, and that a little child was sorely wounded, '*all within their house," and that the house was fired, *' which also fired some other houses or bams ; " that the Indians, being appre- hended, delivered up the murderer, who was most horribly executed. + Another form of Hatchetowsuck ; see pp. 34, 35. MASSACHUSETTS BA T'S PLANT A TION IN CONNECTICUT 1 1 1 running back more than a generation, and one is not surprised when, after an all-day session of Indian special pleading, the verdict was— that the Indians should be left to fight it out among them- selves on the other side of the river, but no Englishman's house, per- son or property was to be injured. In the beginning of 1658, thirty- seven men were formed into a cavalry company, under the name of "Troopers." They made choice of their own officers, and the court confirmed them. The officers commissioned were a captain, lieutenant, " cornet, three corporals" — one of whom was Nicholas Olmsted, one of the five men who ordered Waterbury's first steps in town ways — and a quartermaster. This company of troopers was formed from the men of the three original towns. It was in March, 1657, in the very last days of the year, that the order was issued forbidding any persons to " embody themselves into church estate without consent of the General Court and approba- tion of the neighbor churches." There was a provision in this law, out of which grew in later years, within the townships, the winter privileges, and the church societies, which in turn re- solved themselves into towns again. The provision was that the order should not " take place upon such as were hindred by any just impediments [such as our Naugatuck river] on the Sabbath day from the publicke assemblies by weather or water, and the like." In 1658 the court was more tried with the "differences" that had broken out in the churches at Hartford, and in other towns, than with the Indians themselves, and sternly ordered an " utter cessa- tion of all further p'secution " by the church at Hartford towards the withdrawers from them until the court decided the differences between them. The court could not, or would not, arbitrate these matters. It was greatly buffeted with ecclesiastical " strikes," and sent the matter, as t|jey did Miantonomo, up to "The Bay," or rather, sent for the " Bay " elders to come across country to Hart- ford. No less than seventy men were made free before the Court of Election in May, and the great number caused tumult and trouble, so that thereafter freemen were admitted at the October court ; and here we meet for the first time with the "squire," so familiar to our ears a score of years ago, and now well nigh obsolete. The new recorder, Mr. Daniel Clark, makes use of it as a prefix to the name of Mr. Winthrop. The Farmington Indians were entertaining strange Indians at this time — contrary to their agreement with the English, " when they sat down " there — and carrying on hostilities, thereby endangering 112 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. life by bullets shot into the town, and Thomas Judd, the father of the five young men of that name who came to Waterbury as pro- prietors, was on the committee to inform the Indians that they were required " to provide another place for their habitation and desert the place wherein they were then garrisoned." In this year, 1658, "the season was intemperate, the harvest thin, and there was a sore visitation, by sickness in several plantations," and Governor Edward Hopkins died. The act against the Quakers did not long survive on Connecticut soil. It was modified in such manner that if one was "found fomenting his wicked Tenets and was legally convicted to be disturbing the public peace," that Quaker was to be " dealt with " by " fine, or banishment, or corporal pun- ishment." One of the most weighty matters coming before the law-givers again and again and continually, related to the selling of spirit- ous liquors. Laws were enacted regulating; laws prohibiting; laws repealing laws; but the question did not seem answerable to law. At last they tried the experiment of permitting Indians to have cider, provided it should be " drank " before the eyes of the seller thereof, in order to prevent excess, but this liberty was soon with- drawn, and no man might even give any Indian cider. The first intimation of negro slavery is met with in the law of 1660, that neither Indian nor "negar" servants should be required to train, watch, or ward in the colony. The laws of this year were especially clear and practical. No person might be admitted an inhabitant of a town unless he was known to be of an honest con- versation and was accepted by the major part of the town. A sec- ond small troop of horse, of eighteen men, was permitted to be gath- ered out of Fairfield, Stratford and Norwalk. No inhabitant could sell his house and lands without offering them first for sale to the town in which they were situated. The above was one of the laws which was cited as being contrary to English law, when, at a later period, the charter was in peril. No man or woman could live more than two years in Connecticut, if he or she had wife or hus- band "in foreign parts." Every town in the colony was ordered to send forth its Indians a quarter of a mile away from the town. The law forbidding to sell fire-arms to Indians was still unrepealed; nevertheless, the Indians possessed guns, for, at this time, laws were made Regulating their fire-arms, as, that Englishmen might seize any guns brought in by them, to be redeemed by the Indians on payment of six shillings each; and a little later, in i66i, they had free liberty to carry them through towns, if not above ten men were in company. MASSACHUSETTS BA Y'S PLANTATION IN CONNECTICUT 113 It was at this time that the order went forth causing sales, grants, bargains, and mortgages of lands to be in writing and placed upon record, duly witnessed by one witness and the recorder. The Indian name of the Housatonic river was merged into the Stratford river in 1660, for Dr. Bray Rossiter — who had been at Hartford in attendance upon "John Talcott in his sickness'* — had applied to the court to sanction his purchase of lands at *' Paugusset, on Stratford River." His request was granted; he was given per- mission to buy another hundred acres, and Connecticut colony accepted the lands thus acquired under its government. Hunting- ton, Long Island, also was received to its ** power and protection." In 1 66 1, the Colony was very active and deeply absorbed in car- rying out the desire of its corporate heart — to obtain from King Charles II. the long desired charter. Everything was made ready for that event. The financial part of the business enterprise was secured. It was five hundred pounds. An address to the King was made ready by Governor Winthrop, and a petition prepared by a committee, and, with the money, the address, and the petition, and a long and minutely worded letter of instructions in the premises, the Governor set forth on a voyage to England, at once momentous in its hopes and results to the Colony. In his address Governor Winthrop assures King Charles that the " Fathers of the Colony had very pious and public ends in view, when they transported themselves, with their wives and children, unto this western world " — even the " propagation of the blessed Gosple of the Lord Jesus amongst the Heathen," as well as "the farther extent and honor of the British Monarchy." He then reminds him of the full and free consent that his father, Charles I., gave, together with his gracious " L" Pattents," to them of Massachusetts Bay, and later explains how Connecticut came to be settled, and that the lands were purchased of " Indian sachems," kindly explaining to the King the fact that Indian sachems were " Heathen Princes," and then adds that when the sad and unhappy times of troubles and wars began in England, his subjects on the Connecticut River could only "bewaile w'** sighes and mournful teares." Then, writing for the people, he declares that they "have ever since hid themselves behind the mountains, in that desolate desert [the Connecticut Val- ley !] as a people forsaken, choosing rather to sit solitary and wait only upon the Divine Providence for protection [that is, without a charter] than to apply themselves to the changes of powers [the Commonwealth and Oliver Cromwell], assuring his majesty that his subjects had kept their hearts, as well as their stations, free from all illegal engagements, and entire to the interests of their 8 114 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. King." Presently, he implores favor and gracious protection, and asks his acceptance of the colony, reminding the king that it is " his own Colony, a little branch of his mighty Empire," and explains many things that his poor pilgrims have done for the glory of Eng- land. The address makes most humble apology for the colonists, in that they had "publickly and solemnly proclaimed and declared for his majesty in Connecticut, before a form and express order for such testimony of allegiance had arrived by the ships from England," and closes with the hope that his majesty will be pleased to excuse the poverty that has nothing to present the King of England from the wilderness, but hearts and loyal affections. It ends with the most profound professions of loyalty and submission and devout suppli- cations to " His Eternal Majesty, the King of Heaven and Earth," to pour down temporal and spiritual blessings upon the "Royal Throne " of Charles II. This address, written by Governor Win- throp, was placed in the hands of a committee which was empow- ered to " compile or methodize the Instrument." Hence, the very remarkable production. However, it accomplished its purpose, and the charter was received at Hartford, with honest acclamation of joy, and " publiquely read in audience of ye Freemen, and declared to belong to them and their successors " on the 9th of October, 1662. It had been duly signed and sealed on April 23rd; had been pub- licly exhibited in Boston in September, and was delivered in Hart- ford for safe keeping, into the hands of Mr. Willys, Captain John Talcott, of Waterbury interest, and Lieutenant John Allyn, persons chosen for that office by the freemen. A " Charter Keeper's Oath " was administered to the three men, and the wheels of government were once more adjusted by the General Assembly of assistants and deputies who "established all officers in the Colony, both civil and military, in their respective places and power." A new era, bright with satisfied longings, and brilliant with hope had dawned. It is at this date that we bid farewell to the General Court and advance under the order of the General Assembly, which frequently steps back into the old ways, and calls itself always the Court, and frequently the General Court, but its marching orders are with few exceptions under General Assembly. It is quite impossible fully to appreciate the situation of the colonists either before or after the charter was obtained. Hitherto every step had been taken with secret distrust and often with per- ceptible hesitation, but always in the hope that Mr. Fenwick would be able to transfer to them whatever jurisdiction he either held or might be supposed to hold by virtue of patent, at the time when he sold to them the fort. But now all was changed ! Everything was MASSACHUSETTS BA T'S PLANTA TION IN CONNECTICUT 1 1 5 tinged with hope, and the chartered colony was afloat on the sea of success. It grew in a day, in a manner that must have filled the river people with becoming pride; the doubting towns came hurry- ing up to Hartford for shelter under charter; for the Englishman respects law and reverences the law-giver. It was on the first day after the charter was proclaimed that the Hartford Train Band was given precedence over all other military organizations, a precedence that it has never wholly lost. Southold, Stamford, Greenwich, and even Guilford, through a portion of its inhabitants, came under jurisdiction. The court declared its claim, under patent, to all of Long Island, received West Chester as a " member of its corpora- tion," and conferred plantation rights upon " Homonoscetts," or Killingworth, as it could maintain thirty families. The General Assembly was busy with new enactments fitting the new environ- ment, casting off laws that the colony had outgrown, and removing restraints no longer desirable. When, in 1664, New Haven colony submitted to the inevitable, and came, in her own proud way, to the point of yielding up her colonial rights, the heart of Connecticut throbbed with fullness of satisfaction, and the married life of the colonies has been, from that time to this, not free from troubles, but, on the whole, an estate for the better for both parties. New Haven gave up her colonial name and her individuality, but never relinquished her influence and her formative power. Two years later, in 1666, the counties of Hartford, New Haven, New London and Fairfield were formed. Waterbury, naturally, took her place, when she came into being, within Hart- ford county, for, while its eastern and western bounds were not given, its north bound was that of Windsor and Farmington; its south, the "South end of ye bounds of Thirty Miles Island," now Haddam. County courts were also appointed for each county, to be held twice in the year. CHAPTER VIII. WAS THE DISCOVERY OF MATTATUCK DUE TO THE SEARCH FOR METALS? MINING RIGHTS OF 1657 IN THE VALLEY OF THE MATTATUCK RIVER — POSSIBLE MINING INDUSTRIES INTERRUPTED BY INDIAN TROUBLES AT FARMINGTON — WATERBURY'S MINE OF 1 735 REST- LESSNESS OF SETTLERS AT FARMINGTON AND ELSEWHERE LANDS AT BRISTOL GRANTED IN 1663 THE FIRST STEP TOWARD WATER- BURY IN 1670 DEACON STEPHEN HEART'S FARM IN MATTATUCK. BEFORE IT BECAME A PLANTATION THREE MEN OF FARMINGTON VIEW MATTATUCK TWENTY-SIX MEN PETITION THE GENERAL COURT FOR A PLANTATION COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO VIEW THE LANDS — ITS RETURN TO THE COURT THE GENERAL COURT APPOINTS A COMMITTEE TO REGULATE AND ORDER A PLANTA- TION AT MATTATUCK. IT will probably never be possible for any investigator to deter- mine what Englishman first beheld the lands on which we dwell in Waterbury, or to declare the purpose that led him into the valley through which ran the Mattatuck river. Historians have hitherto accorded to the territory no charms beyond those known to the hunter ; and it has been thought that even the Indians held the region in avoidance, except for its animal life, down to the time when it was solicited of the General Assembly for a plantation by certain men of Farmington ; but there are indi- cations that Indians dwelt here, and it is known that land was laid out here before the establishment of the plantation. That the Waterbury of to-day owes its eminence among manu- facturing towns to the working of metals, no man may deny. That the discovery of Mattatuck may be attributed to the search for its supposed metallic treasures, is quite within the bounds of proba- bility. Indeed, we have facts recorded which in the line of evidence indicate that energetic search for metals was made here at least seventeen years before the region was selected for a planta- tion. The Winthrop name of two centuries and more ago stood for so much in the way of endeavor and enterprise, that no one can be very much surprised to hear it connected with even the discovery of Waterbury. On the 13th of May, 165 1, John Winthrop, Jr., was living at Pequot (New London). From that place he sent a letter to the General Court on a subject that was of special interest to himself. In this letter Mr. Winthrop wrote : UONNECTlGUra PLANTATION AT MATTATUCK. nj There hath been earnest motions to me from some well-willers to the com- mon good, to make some search and trial for metals in this country, and there is hope that there might be a stock gathered for that purpose, if there were encour- agements from the several jurisdictions. I have therefore made bold to propound the enclosed grant to yourself and the court ; professing this, that I neither know nor have heard of any mines or metals within this jurisdiction, for I have not yet made any search, but only propound it for encouragement to any that will be adventurers and join in the undertaking of such a design. Mr.Winthrop then cites "The Bay" as an example, giving Lynn and " Nuberry " as two places where he knows that lead has been found ; " but," he adds. That at Lynn, being challenged by the Towne, and so neare the Iron worke that takes up all the wood, that it cannott bee wrought there; and the Towne hath beene at charge for the finding of the veine, but it cannot bee found, and so they are discouraged ; for it was oncly loose peeces that were found. I doe not much desire to have anything put in about gold and silver, yet, if it be put in, it may incourage some. The action of the court on the receipt of the letter quoted from, follows : Whereas, in this rocky country, amongst these mountains and stony hills, there are probabilities of mines of metals and minerals, the discovery whereof may be for the great benefit of the country, in raising a staple commodity, and whereas, John Wenthrop, Esq. , doth intend to be at charge and adventure for the search and discovery of such mines and minerals — for the encouragement whereof, and of any that shall adventure with the said John Wenthrop, Esq., in the said business. It is therefore ordered by this court, that if the said John Wenthrop, Esq., shall discover, set upon and maintain, or cause to be found, discovered, set upon and maintained such mines of lead, copper or tin, or any minerals, as antimony vitriall, black lead, alum, stone-salt, salt springs or any other the like, within this jurisdic- tion, and shall set up any work for the digging, washing, melting, or any other operation about the said mines or minerals as the nature thereof requireth, that then, the said John Wenthrop, Esq., his heirs, associates, partners, or assignes. shall enjoy forever the said mines, with the lands, wood, timber and waters within two or three miles of the said mine, for the necessary carrjring on of the works and maintaining of workmen and provision of coals for the same; provided it be not within the bounds of any Town already, or any particular persons propriety, nor in or bordering upon any place that shall or may by the court be judged fit to make a plantation of. Within six years from the date of John Winthrop's letter, John Standley and John Andrews, two nien of Farmington, who later cast their lot with the men of Waterbury, had penetrated the wil- derness to the west of their township, and from a hill had carried with them to Farmington a mineral substance which was believed to be black lead. The record, as we have it, is very incomplete. We are not told that John Standley and John Andrews were pros- pecting for metals under the incitement of Winthrop's and the ii8 HISTORY OF WATEBBURT, court's encouragement, but we may suggest the probability of it. We are not even told that they discovered the hill containing it, but simply that they brought the "lead** from a certain hill. Whether they were the discoverers of it or not, the fact that the hill with its " black lead " was discovered, evidently aroused the Farmingtonians of 1657 to action. Two of their number, William Lewis and Samuel Steele in that year obtained from three Indians of Farming^on (whose names upon the Farmington record of the transaction — which appears to be the original deed — are written Keoaga[m?] Queromus and Mataneg, or as ordinarily rendered in copies of the same, Kepaquamp, Querrimus and Mataneage), "a tract of land called Matetacoke, that is to say, the hill from whence John Stand- ley and John Andrews brought the black lead." By this deed the Indians did not convey their title to the lands. They simply con- ferred mining rights in a great circle of land whose diameter was sixteen miles, with the hill as its central point. By this grant, or lease, they had permission "to dig and carry away" to any extent desired ; they could also " build on the land for the use of the laborers, but not otherwise improve it." Whatever plans may have been made to develop this mine, they were doubtless held in abeyance, for it was at this time, in 1657, that the "horrible murder," already referred to, took place in Farm- ington, that so greatly alarmed the inhabitants.* From this time onward, the Farmington Indians were restless, and being required by the inhabitants to leave their homes and move on, we can understand why the "black lead" was left in its native hill. Where this hill was, and is, remains to this day a secret. That it was within the bounds of Mattatuck plantation might be inferred from the name. It has been considered by historians safe to place it in Harwinton. The mention of the fact that Waterbury's bounds with Farmington, and with Hartford even, were nearly half a cen- tury in getting established, suggests the possibility that in the beginning the hill was where its name indicates, and near the north line of the Waterbury township of 1686. The Rev. E. B. Hillard in * In 1840, Rev. NoRh Porter, in his historical address, delivered on the two-hundredth anniversary of the settlement of Farmington, tells us that it was the house of John Hart that was destroyed by fire, and that in the same year Mr. Scott was cruelly murdered. Mr. Julius Gay gives the date of the burning of John Hart's house as December 15, 1666. The Mr. Scott referred to was perhaps Joseph, the son of Edmund Scott of Waterbury, but his death occurred nearly, if not quite fifty years later. August 18, 1657, the Indians belong- ing to Tunksis Sepus, being treated with about the damage done by fire, occasioned by Mesupeno, they obliged themselves to pay unto the General Court in October, for the term of seven years, the full sum of eighty fathom of wampum. * * * Four Indians signed this agreement in the name and with the consent of the rest. Col. Rec. of Conn., Vol. I, p. 303. The Indians did not make prompt payment, and in May, 1660, the Court appointed a committee ** to take in the consideration of the loss of Lt. Lewis and Francis Browne, and according as they judge requisite to make distribution to both parties of that which the Indians have engaged to pay yearly to make up their loss by fire until the whole sum Jl>e paid in by the Indians." aONNEVTIOUrS PLANTATION AT MATTATUGK, 119 his "Sketches of the History of Plymouth/* 1882, has ventured to place it a little north of the Harwinton line, on the east side of the highway running past the house of Arthur Cleveland, and as lying about half a mile back of the above house. He tells us that "marks of rock-blasting are still apparent, which could have been only for mining purposes." We find, in Waterbury Town Records, of 1735, "a place called the mine." It was situated "near the upper end of the bounds." We further learn that " it was on the west side of the Naugatuck River," and that "it was against English Grass Meadow;" and still further, we are told by record that " English Grass Meadow is at the Mouth of East Branch, or Lead Mine Brook." It is the most northern meadow lot, save one — the Plum Trees — within the ancient bounds. Both meadow lots were named before 1688. The law forbidding persons to acquire title to lands from the natives, was not made until 1663, six years after the date of the conveyance of the mining rights to Lewis and Steele; hence, its validity as recognized in later transactions. Since writing the above, a visit to English Grass Meadow has been made. It was impossible to mistake the beautiful curved meadow, lying at the mouth of the East Branch. Mr. Irwin Fenn, who lives in its vicinity, remembers it by its English Grass name. It was so called sixty years ago by its then owner, Mr. John Allen. It is now owned by Mr. George Gilbert, and is in this August of 1892, beautiful with com, and plentiful with its crops of potatoes and grain. Mr. Fenn thinks that the " Plum Trees," were on the East Branch itself, and about three-fourths of a mile above English Grass Meadow. He remembers when, about fifteen years ago, the last of the plum trees that gave name to the meadow were cut down. They were, at that time, reduced to a few rods in extent. The present owner is Mr. Samuel Baldwin. The region has, from time to time, been sought after for its supposed mineral treasures. Mining rights have been secured as recently as within about twenty years in lands very near the mine of 1735. Lewis and Steele evidently received their title to this great <}ircle of land as representing a company of men ; for under date •of June 29, 1665, at a meeting held at Farmington, "there was chosen Sarg' Stanly and Sarg* Hart to go to Left. Lewis and Eng" Steel to demand ye Deed of Sale of Mattatuck Land, and have it assigned to them In ye behalf e of ye Company, and have it Recorded. " A treu Copie Transcribed out of ff armington old Town Book pr John Hooker, Regst^" I20 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. In 17 12, a committee was appointed by Farmington, with full power to lease out to Col. William Partridge and Mr. Jonathan Belcher for sixty-eight years, "all their mines except iron and pre- cious stones and the fifth part of all oar of silver and gold that might be found within the common and sequestered land, not yet granted to any particular person or persons." These gentlemen of Massachusetts were undoubtedly men of large enterprise. They secured to themselves for terms of years varying from eight to sixty-eight, the working of all mines, iron excepted, within Farm- ington, Wallingford and Simsbury. In Wallingford and Simsbury, mineral wealth was known to exist at the period named. In 17 14, the General Assembly confirmed the acts of the towns' committees in relation thereto, and granted the persons employed in the mines exemption from military duties. It is not unreasonable to suggest that early Waterbury shared in the same enterprise and that the place called "The Mine," was an outcome of that period, if indeed it did not date back to the lease of 1657. When one looks upon the Farmington meadows of to-day, and goes back, in thought, to the time when, in 1672 or 1673, but eighty- four men, with their families, inhabited the. great township, the Indians occupying only their reservation of two hundred acres, together with " the little slip, staked out, to avoid contention," the question forces itself upon the mind anew : Why were these men not content ? The question of land, surely, could not have been a serious one; nor were its divisions so arbitrary as to account for the spirit of unrest that prevailed in Farmington, as elsewhere. Men were not equal. The government of towns was in the hands of a few men. Few were the changes in the more honorary offices, and heavy was the repression felt by the individual, consequent upon the letter of the law, whose weight weighed him down more heavily than he could bear. Hence the efforts of the individual to seek out some tract of land, even if distant from the settlement, where he could, at least to his little herd of cattle, speak his mind, with- out suffering the consequences. However many other good and sufficient reasons there may have been for the continual wandering- in townships by man, and out of townships by bands of men, we think we must look beneath surface indications for the foundations whence this spirit of restlessness was upheaved. As early as 1663, we find that three or four men had strayed away into that portion of Farmington then called Poland — and now Bristol — and by permission of the town, had there selected lands to be laid out to them when granted by the town. Richard Bronson,. Thomas Barnes and Moses Ventrus seem to have been the pioneers CONNECTICUrS PLANTATION AT MATTATUCK 121 in securing grants. These grants were followed in 1664 by one of twenty acres to our John Lankton. In 1670 a movement began, that may be looked upon as the first and vital step toward Waterbury, and yet it occurred within the lim- its of Farmington itself. Land in Great Swamp was conferred upon men of Farmington upon conditions. This Great Swamp lay along the branches of the Mattebeset river and was allotted in par- cels, varying from twenty to fourteen acres, " through the conde- scendency of particular persons in the town to part with something which is their right, to persons of lesser estate, on these conditions." The conditions were, that the lands were forever to be a part of Farmington; "never to be a distinct people from the town without their liberty and consent." The land was to return to the town " if the people living there should endeavor to rend themselves off from the town to be a distinct people of themselves, or, with any other." Neither could any man thus endowed with his acres in the Great Swamp make sale of this land until he had lived his four years in Farmington, and further, no one was allowed to go there to live except he owned the land. Twenty-eight of the men who just four years later signed the " Articles Agreed upon for the Settling a Plan- tation at Mattatuck," were twenty-eight of the men who had by waiting secured for themselves these lands at Great Swamp. In 1687, the town of Farmington agreed to give Richard Seymour, a blacksmith, twenty shillings, as a "gratewety " for his moving to the Swamp, and 1686 is the date given by historians for the settlement at " Farmington Village in and about Great Swamp." We have already given evidence that the region within ten miles of Waterbury — at Bristol — was sufficiently well known in 1663 to be selected and granted, in part, to three men of Farmington. We also know of one colonial grant of a farm that was laid out within Waterbury's borders before we have any evidence of a design on the part of the men of Farmington to petition for a plan- tation here. In 1673 the court bestowed upon Deacon Stephen Heart a one hundred and fifty acre farm. In the records of 1705 we learn for the first time that "this grant was laid out to him within the town- ship of Waterbury, which afterward being granted for a plantation^ he or his heirs relinquished, and it was to be removed to a place upon Mattatuck river to the northward of the town there." We may not stop to follow this grant. Like the Indians it was compelled to move on in advance of townships, being now at the meeting of the bounds of Windsor, Simsbury and Farmington, and again sent over the Connecticut river into Killingly, where possibly it remained. 122 BISTORT OF WATERBURT, We return thanks to this wandering farm for the light it reflects from 1705 on 1673. Having thus shown conclusively that land was held within the bounds of Mattatuck in May, 1673, we must give to Deacon Stephen Heart the honor of being, so far as known to the writer, the first English landed proprietor in Waterbury; but it does not follow that he had no predecessor. We have already alluded to the earliest grant, that of Fisher's Island in 1641, to John Winthrop. This was soon followed by grants to the soldiers of the Pequot Massacre, and from that early date the grants grew rap- idly in number, and in size to one at least of one thousand acres. A very suggestive grant is that to Thomas Judd and Anthony Haw- kins, of four hundred acres in i66i. The evidence has not been met, but the suggestion is here offered to a coming investigator that the whole or a portion of this land was laid out in present Naugatuck, and that this farm gave rise to the name by which that territory was known for so many years while it was a part of Water- bury — not Judd's Meadow, but Judd's Meadows. If this should prove to be tenable, then Deacon Stephen Heart must give place to Deacon Thomas Judd, his fellow townsman. This Deacon Judd of Farmington was the father of William, John, Benjamin, Lieuten- ant Thomas, Philip and Samuel Judd, every one of whom had some part in the settlement of Waterbury. Therefore Deacon Thomas Judd's six sons may have been familiar with our hills and valleys, even in their boyhood. This view has been taken as one of the pos- sibilities of the situation, and may be upheld by several plausible facts, one of which is that the Judds must have had a reason for not desiring a plantation at Mattatuck; for not a Judd name is to be found in the list of the petitioners for it, while, when the planta- tion arises on their landed horizon, the entire family rush in as planters ! Was this because they had been improving the two hun- dred-acre farm — granted to be laid out in not more than four pieces — at Judd's Meadows for thirteen years, and fain would keep it from the iron hand of a plantation ? And is this an explanation of records which reveal to us certain facts that we are unable to account for — such expressions in the first book of Proprietors' Records as "Butler's House," " Butler's House Brook," "Where Butler's House was" when we have no knowledge of any Butler among the early inhabitants of Waterbury — a man whose house was a thing of the past in 1689 ! Was he the farmer of Judd's Meadows, or was he a Stratford Butler and a Quaker, one of the five Quakers in the colony at that date, and obliged to move on ? or who was this But- ler ? Before October 6th, 1673, Thomas Newell Sen', John Warner, Sen', and Richard vSeamor, all of Farmington, "partly for their own satisfaction, and for the satisfaction of some others," came to view CONNECTICUT'S PLANTATION AT MATTATUCK 123 *** Matitacoocke " in reference to a plantation and made report that they " judged it capable of the same." October 9th, 1673, twenty-six men, all of Farmington, and not a Judd of the number, sent up a petition by John " Lankton " to the court then in session at Hartford. The following is a copy of that petition as it appears in the State Records of Towns and Lands, vol. I, page 162. The original papers relating to the period, of which this is one, have been carefully preserved by pasting them to the leaves of volumes. On holding the leaf on which this petition is found to the light, it was seen that upon the back of it had been written, " Farming petition for to make Mattacock a plantation, 9 Octob' 1673. John Lancton payes for this petition." John Lane- ton therefore paid ten shillings for the privilege of having the peti- tion read in court, for such had been for eleven years the require- ment. THE PETITION FOR A PLANTATION. To the honerd general! court now siting In Hartford Octobr 9, 73 Honerd gentlemen and fathers we being sensible of our great neede of a com- fortable subsistance doe herby make our address to your selfes In order to the same Not Questioning your ceare and faithfulness In y* premisses: allso hoping of your freeness and readyness to accomtdate your poore supplicants with y* which we Judge to be: In your hands: acording to an orderly proseeding we therefore whose names are hereafter Inserted to humbly petition your honours to take cong- nicance: of our state who want Land to Labour upon: for our subsistance & Now having found out a trackt at a place called by ye Indians matitacoock: which we aprihend may susfetiently acomidate to make a small plantation: we are therefore bould hereby to petition j'our honors to grant vs y« liberty of planting y« same with as many others as may be: capable comfortably to entertaine and as for the pur- chasing of y* natives with your alowance we shall take care of: & so not to trouble with farther Inlargement we rest only desiring your due consideration & a return By our Louing ffriend John Lankton and subscribe our selfes your nedy petitioners Thomas Newell Daniell wamer !ohn Lankton Abraham Andrews ohn andrews Thomas hancox ohn wamer seinio' John Carrington )aniell porter Daniell An(kews, Edmun Scoot Joseph heacox John Standly Junior thomas standly abraham brounsen Obadiah richards* Richard seamer Timothy standley John Wamer Junio' william higgeson Isack brounsen ^^'^ porter Samuell heacox Thomas Barnes John Wellton John woodruff. Attention is requested to the apparent distinction made in this petition between the tract of land desired for a plantation and the place within it — the language it will be noted is, " having found out a trackt at di place called by ye Indians Matitacoock." * In a different hand writing. 124 BISTORT OF WATERBUBT, THB ANSWER OF THB COURT TO THE PETITION FOR A PLANTATION. Oct. 9. 1673 In answer to the petition of severall inhabitants of the towne of Farmington that Mattatock that those lands might be granted for a plantation, this Court have seen cause to order that those lands may be viewed sometime between this and the Court in May next, and that reporte be made to the Court in May next, whether it be judged fitt to make a plantation. The Committee appoynted are L°* Tho: Bull, L°* Rob^ Webster and Daniel Pratt. The same distinction is preserved in the response of the Court in the words: " that Mattatock that those lands might be granted." Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull in editing the published Records of the Col- ony notices this apparent vagary of language, and adds in a note, the words, " So in the Record." Nothing is more unsafe to historical accuracy than the easy assumption that the early writers were care - less or used language unadvisedly, when the fact may be and usu- ally is, that we fail to comprehend the intricacies of the situation^ or are ignorant, or unmindful, of important factors in the case. Unfortunately for us, the early records of AVaterbury have been, twice at least, harvested, with an abundant portion of excellent his- torical grain left in the field, but no gleaners passing that way to garner it. Events that were familiar to the men of that time, and for which there seemed to them to be no future use, were omitted in the new volumes of record, the old books being discarded and lost. It will be remembered that it was upon the ninth of October, 1673, that the committee was appointed to view the lands in ques- tion, and that it was to make report concerning them at the May session of Court, 1674. It did so, and here is the report, as rendered: THE COMMITTEES RETURN ABOUT MATTATOCK. April 6. 7. 8. 9. 1674. Wee, whos names are underwritten (according to the desire and appointment of y« honoured Court) have viewed y* lands upon Mattatuck river in order to a planta- tion, we doe apprehend that there is about six hundred acres of meadow and plow- ing land lying on both sides of y« river besides upland convenient for a towne plot, with a suitable out let into y* woods on y* west of y« river, and good feeding land for cattell. The meadow & plowing land above written a considerable part of it lyeth in two peices near y« town plot, y* rest in smaller parcels, y« farthest of which we judge not above fower miles from y" towne plot: and our apprehensions are that it may accommodate thirty familyes Thomas Bull Nicho: Olmstead Robert Webster. [For some reason, not apparent, Nicholas Olmstead acted in the place of Daniell Pratt.] It will be seen that Thomas Bull, Nicholas Olmstead and Robert Webster, occupied four days in the investigation. They must there- GONNECTIGJJTS PLANTATION AT MATTATUGK, 125 fore have passed the nights of April 6th, 7th and 8th, 1674, in the wilderness, if it was all wilderness at that time, or possibly, like the earlier travelers between Connecticut and " The Bay," they lighted upon Indian wigwams by the way, and were hospitably entertained. Is it urged that there were no wigwams at Mattatuck ? We have the best of evidence that there was here one of the ^^ Long Wigwams'' that were built for the use of the Indians when they assembled in large numbers for festive and other purposes. "The path that comes from the Long Wigwam," occurs more than once in our records. We suppose this wigwam to have been in the vicinity of Wigwam Swamp, " whose west end is at the north end of Burnt Hill," and from which a brook flows into Hancox Brook. This committee, in its report, proves itself to have done efficient work. In four days the men journeyed from Farmington to present Waterbury; crossed Mattatock River; selected the town site upon our present Town Plot; estimated the meadow and ploughing land, available for imme- diate use, at six hundred acres; examined the territory, we have reason to think, both up and down the river, as they give an opinion of the distance of the more remote meadows from the "town plot " of their selection as not above four miles ; reported good feeding ground for cattle, and, finally, concluded their report with the oft- repeated and much-misunderstood " apprehension " concerning the ability of the region to support thirty families. Having lost from the records, in the case of Farmington, the formula for the formation of plantations, and their care by committees during the period of their infancy, before they arrived at the stature of towns, with every one then committed to the care of its duly appointed King Constable, we are compelled to gather, here and there, what facts we may, regarding the conditions under which a plantation might be granted by the Court. We add here, what has perhaps been already intimated, that one of the requirements was, that as many as thirty fami- lies must be secured to form a plantation, for the reason that that number of house-holders was deemed sufficient to support a minister; therefore this return to the General Court of the ability of the region to support thirty families did not limit it, even in the opinion of the committee, to that number of inhabitants, but merely gave evidence that that requirement of the Court could be met in the case of Mattatuck. It was also added that there was a suitable outlet into the woods on the west of the river. The significance of the last sentence does not seem clear. It may have had reference to Mattatuck's access to Woodbury. Woodbury was then but an infant of eleven months, just that time having passed since four men and their associates had been granted permission " to errect a plantation 126 HISTORY OF WATEEBUBY. at Pomperoage." Woodbury is somewhat apt to hold her head proudly with age above Waterbury, but her plantation grant is less than a year older than ours, although her English name and town estate bear earlier date. It was on Tuesday, the 19th of May, 1673, that the report con- cerning Mattatuck lands was received by the Court, considered, accepted, and acted upon by the appointment of " Major John Tall- cott, L°* Rob^ Webster, L°' Nicho : Olmstead, Ens : Sam" Steele and Ens : John Wadsworth to be a committee to regulate and order the setleing of a plantation at Mattatock in the most suitable way that may be ; " and thus Mattatuck was duly committed to the martial nurses of its infancy — a major, two lieutenants, and two ensigns — and it still does credit to its early training. Of this committee, Major John Talcott was the most conspicuous member. From the time when he was " chosen ensign by the Trained Band of Hartford " in 1650, to the date of his death in 1688, John Talcott, Jr., led a busy, eventful and important life. The marvel is, that a man so weighted with colonial trusts of magnitude, should have been chosen to lay the foundations of a plantation of minor importance. He never- theless attended to the commission valiantly and well. We have abundant proof of this, in the still existing documents relating to Mattatuck in his excellent legible handwriting. In the November following this appointment he was nominated and appointed " Com- mander-in-Chief " of all the military forces to be raised in the colony, and sent against New York. He already held the position of assistant to the Governor; was treasurer of the colony; commis- sioner of the United Colonies, and on the very next day after the Mattatuck appointment, he was on a committee to hear the " Indian Complaints " and draw them to an issue; two days after that, he was to go over to Long Island, empowered, with two others, " to order and settle the affairs of those people, establish military officers " and perform other trusts of magnitude; also, he was " to consider of and dispose of some tracts of land for the country " on still another com-^ mittee; and to ** consult of some way to promote the public good " on another; beside being requested to look after the fencing of the meadows between Farmington and Simsbury. Independent of all these matters, he was, it would seem, expected to obtain from the owners a deed of the territory of Mattatuck. His genius for coax- ing Indians was believed in. Just what tactics were used in the case of Waterbury we are not able to delineate, for records are silent, but we can, perhaps, obtain a dim outline from his own description of the manner in which he influenced the Indians of Simsbury to part with the lands that formed that township. CHAPTER IX. WATERBURY's first entrance upon plantation life — THE " NEW- TOWN GOEING UP AT MATTATUCK " IN 1675 — THE EFFECT UPON IT OF "king" Philip's war — the supposed flitting of the inhab- itants TO farmington — Connecticut's indian governor — progress of the war — SALE OF THE SURRENDERING INDIANS — MAJOR TALCOTT'S INDIAN BOY — THE " IRISH CHARITY " OF 1680. THE Committee appointed by the General Assembly for the ordering of the settlement at Mattatuck, acted with com- mendable promptness. The company of and from Farm- ington knew that the land was virtually their own, and we are quite ready to believe that men did not wait for their allotments in severalty, in the spring time of 1674. Everything was just edging toward newness of life, a life made enjoyable by the tem- porary amiability of their Indian neighbors. That year's crops may have been already planted in the heaven-made meadows on the day when the committee announced that it had formulated the laws and the covenants under which Mattatuck might take its place as the twenty-sixth town within that portion of Connecticut colony that is now included in the bounds of the State.* This formula of obligations and agreements covers eight conditions. The first one permits every accepted inhabitant to have eight acres for a house lot. The second, bases the amount of land to be distributed in the meadows, upon the amount of each man's estate, and limits the value of that estate for this distri- bution, to one hundred pounds. The third, provides for the payment of public charges, for five years, by a tax upon the meadows. The fourth, requires every person who shall take up allotments within four years from the date of the "Articles" to build " a good, substantial dwelling house, at least eighteen feet long, sixteen wide, and nine feet between Joynts " with a good chimney. The fifth, requires the fourth article to be complied with in every particular, under penalty of loss of the allotments — buildings excepted — and the return of the allotments to the committee for future bestowment upon a more complying inhab- itant. The sixth, requires the possessor of an allotment— he having built his house — to take up his personal residence in it as an inhabitant within the four specified years. If a man failed to perform his duty in building and occupying, he was to forego not only his allotments, but his lands also. It is supposed that this failure operated to shut him out from any further rights in the township, notwithstanding any pur- chase money he had paid. The seventh requirement is, that a man, having built his house, must live in it four years before coming to the full ownership of it, or *At the time when Mattatuck became a plantation the eastern portion of Long Island was nnder the Jurisdiction of Connectlcnt Colony. 13° HISTORY OF WATERS URT. This paper was prepared by Major Talcott and delivered to the men of Mattatuck, and is a copy of the original manuscript with its autograph signatures, which was undoubtedly returned to the General Court. The illustrations show that it was written upon ■'*-i- v_.^:^^3M.i^^'^^S^^ j. . — •* .-41: 1, ^./-,6, ^* — r,« MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION. 131 three sheets of paper, which were afterward made one by sewing the parts together. At the fourth article the stitches are taken with a red worsted cord which has kept its color well for nearly two hundred and twenty years. At the sixth and seventh articles it is again sewed by brown linen thread. The document entire is a little less than a yard in length. It has been bound in glass and framed, and will be handed down to the care of coming genera- tions. The third page of the illustration shows the reverse. The writing upon it, except the signatures, is that of John Wadsworth. The document was found in 1890, together with other orders relating to the settlement. This discovery included two of the Indian deeds of the township; the original lay-out of the three acre lots, and a very valuable paper relating to the houses of 1681. They were in the house of Mr. Charles D. Kingsbury, on North Main street, in Waterbury. Soon after the decease of that gentle- man, his son. Honorable Frederick J. Kingsbury, sent this docu- ment to the writer, and the finding of it led to the examination of thousands of papers that were in the same house. The older papers had been handed down from one town clerk to another, until, in 1793, the inheritance fell upon John Kingsbury. He was then a young man of thirty-one years. During a life-time of official service, from town clerk to presiding judge of New Haven County Court, Judge Kingsbury had accumulated many valuable documents, all of which were placed in the hands of the writer, to the very great advantage of this work. When Dr. Henry Bronson prepared his history of the town he was without the valuable assistance thus acquired. A comparison of the original paper here represented with the version of it as rendered by the recorder of the period and faithfully reproduced by Dr. Bronson will result to the advantage of Major Talcott's paper. The recorder for Waterbury omitted the name of one signer, that of Benjamin Judd, thus making it appear that the signers of 1674 were thirty in number, instead of thirty-one. This paper is not only important in itself, but is noteworthy as the only one to which the autograph of every member of the com- mittee is attached, and also as the only one that has been found relating to Mattatuck during the first three years of its existence as a plantation. We are thus left without direct evidence of what was achieved in the year 1674, and that part of 1675 before the inhabitants were ordered away. We know from subsequent events and recorded references, that the beautiful ridge of high land that we still call Town Plot, was the chosen town site. It was selected by the committee to view the lands, and approved by the commit- 132 HISTORY OF WATBRBURY. tee to order the plantation. From the "Articles of Agreement," we naturally infer that eight-acre house lots were allotted to the subscribers, but even this ample provision may have been modi- fied in order to bring the habitations into more immediate neigh- borhood. These house lots we are told, were laid out on either side of a highway. That there was a highway extending north and south through the old Town Plot we know, and we know that its width as originally laid out was 264 feet. This we learn by a subsequent order for its reduction to two rods. This was after the town site had been chosen on the cast side of the river, in 1677. It was after that time often called the "town spot," to distinguish it from the town plot. We are left with little knowledge of the achievements of our fathers during the period between June 6th, 1674, and the tenth month of the year 1677. Tradition points her finger to the hill on which the Waterbury Hospital stands, as the site of certain cellars which the men of Farmington digged in its eastward declivity for protection during their first winter here. It has long been believed that men spent that winter at or near the point where Sled Hall Brook flows into the river. The finding of Indian arrow-heads at this place suggests that wigwams |^^^**"7*" ' /"F^^ may have been there also. Sled ^riit'' ' ■■ '■' I ^^" Brook might tell us that it ':;.a;-.- 1 ran a saw-mill that first winter, -"■ ' ;■ but its voice has departed with its ; falling waters, and we listen in J vain at the closed door of the past, 1 ' Leaving tradition, we do not ■ . ■ ' know how many of the thirty- one men presented themselves to ] accept house lots ; neither do , we know how many habitations r ** i! graced Town Plot in 1674 and 1675. t-~ i Whatever was done at that time L' . : i:| : has been utterly lost to us; but Cr'"'!." ' '' I the finding of the orders of the f __. i committee for 1677 affords us a S^\ " ' l^ bit of material on which to specu- ""^^ late in house lots. On the back of '"" "'"'' '^""'' '"'"''''' the order to reduce the dimen- sions of the highway on "Old Town Plotf is traced what appears to be the lay-out of the original town or village, and we may accept MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION, 133 it with more or less uncertainty. It certainly is not the new town spot on the east side of the river. Fifty-two years later, when these old eight-acre house lots came in question and they were to be looked up and laid out anew, we find " that it was by vote agreed that if the committee for the old Town Plot lots can not find all the old Town Plot lots for all the original proprietors, those that aire wanting may have liberty to take them up in the undivided lands." If we rely upon the house lots, as plotted on the back of the order, we shall at once see that the whole number of sub- scribers does not appear to be represented. There is a highway, on one side of which nine lots of varying size are outlined, with eight on its opposite side. At either end of this highway are transverse ways, on one of which we find five lots, on the other three, making twenty -five in all; thus intimating that twenty- five of the original proprietors made some progress in building on the original town site, before the inhabitants were ordered away in 1675. One word or more may be allowed just here regarding the gen- eral condition of the colony at the time Mattatuck had its first beginning; for it seems to have had two distinct entrances upon plantation life, the first in 1674, the second in 1677. The year 1674 was a period exceptionally free from disturbance in colonial life in New England. The treaty of peace had been signed between England and the States General of the United Netherlands, by which New York had been restored to the English. Major Andros did not arrive in New York— to begin dis- turbances and claim jurisdiction, for the Duke of York, over all the region to the Connecticut River— until November in that year, and he waited until the May following to demand surrender of the ter- ritory. The growth of towns in the colony was extremely grati- fying. So quiet and peaceful, comparatively speaking, was the country that there seems to have been no occasion for the meeting of the authorities between May and October, and, when the last Wednesday in that month was appointed " to be kept as a day of publique Thanksgiving throughout the colony to prayse God for the continuance of His mercy and goodness to the English nation," thanks were, to be given " for freedom from the dangers of war which did surround them, for the enjoyment of God's holy word and ordinances with peace, for health, which had been continued in the plantation, and for the comfortable harvest the Lord had been pleased to grant them." All the business before this court related to matters of peace. Time was found even for establish- ing a table of rates for post-riders and their expenses throughout 134 HISTORY OF WAIERBURT. the colony, with Hartford as the hub of the wheel. Under such circumstances can we suppose that the best blood in Farmington would remain idle in Waterbury? that no sounds of the builder were heard on Town Plot during the summer and autumn of one year and the summer of another year ? That the town was in building^ in May of 1675, appears from the action of the Court on the petition of Joseph Hawkins and John Hull, of " Pagawsett," that "Pawgasuck" (Derby), might be made a Plantation. In view of the facts as given by them to the General Court — ** that about twelve families were settled there already, and more, to the number of eleven, were preparing for settlement forthwith; that the people had engaged a minister to settle amongst them speedily, and had expended about one hundred pounds in preparing a house for him " — the court was induced to look with favor upon the petition, reserving to itself the power to settle the bounds of the place " so as may be most accommodating and least inconvenient to the said Pawgasuck and the new town goeing up at Mattatocky Early in the summer of 1675, began the first war between Indi- ans and Englishmen, with " King Philip " of Rhode Island, who was said to be the son of Miantonomah, and the grandson of Massasoit, as the generally accredited aggressor. It was marked at every step by horrors and cruelties that can never be forgotten so long as the meaning of the word war is retained in the conscious- ness of an Englishman. Massachusetts is to this day monumented with memories of it. No pen needs to trace anew the story, from the day in June, when Philip, roused to anger by the execution of three of his friends by the English, because of their murder of an Indian Missionary, marched out from his fortress on Mount Hope, near Bristol, R. I., and fell upon the little company at " Swansey," in Plymouth Colony, down to the date of his death, in August, of the following year. On the first day of July the news reached Hartford of the attack upon Swansea. Measures were at once taken to send thirty dragoons and ten troopers to aid in the defence of Stonington and New London. The men were raised out of the three original towns, and Nicholas Olmstead was com- missioned as their lieutenant. They set forth at a day's notice. Word was hurried down the way to New Haven, and ordered to be sent on to all the towns lying on the sea coast, that " the Indians were up in arms in Plimouth and in the Narrogancett Country; that they had assaulted the English; slain about thirty; burnt some houses, and that they were engaging the Indians round about by sending locks of some English that they had slain, from one MATTATUGK AS A PLANTATION, 135 place to another." To add to the intricate situation, Governor Andros arrived with two sloops at Saybrook. He was come ostensibly to make a visit, and to give aid, but everything in the way of usurpation was momentarily expected from him and his forces. The utmost of delicate and firm diplomacy was required. The council and the commander, Captain Thomas Bull, proved equal to the occasion, and after some expressive words and impressive ceremonies between the parties of both parts, Governor Andros made a formal departure without having forcibly carried out his supposed right, which was to take possession of the territory lying west of the Connecticut River, for the Duke of York. That the Pequot Indians, west of the Mystic River, remained friendly to the English in this war, may have been largely owing to a fact that seems to have been lost sight of. Only two months before the contest began, the government of that tribe had been duly organized by Connecticut; a code of laws drawn up, under which they were required to live, and the government placed in the hands of an Indian governor with an associate and two Indian assistants. For the support of this government, largely instituted by our Major Talcott, whose laws are extremely interesting and suggestive, "each Indian man above sixteen years of age, was to contribute annually five shillings in current Indian pay." This revenue to the governing Indians, doubtless played an important part in keeping the peace. Governor Cassicinamon was wily enough to beg that the Indians, whom he was to govern, should not be informed of his own interest in the income, thus acquired. "About I in the morning of August fifth, 1675, the Council," consisting of Governor Winthrop, Major Talcott, Captain Allen and three other gentlemen, was called together. A messenger had arrived in Hartford with thrilling tidings. Less than forty miles away, at Quabaug, now Brookfield, one of the most stirring events of the war had taken place. The Indians, in pursuit of fleeing victims had entered the town — ^but we all know the story! We learned it in childhood. We almost know that house by sight — the large one on the hill — into which all the village folk are fled. We enter with them, and for two long days watch and wait, while all around us houses burn, until this one in which we crouch is the only one left in the town. We hear, are forced to hear, the piercing in of the musket balls that pelt the house, for the Indians have muskets now! We are made to feel the flash of fiery brands hurled upon roof and clapboard, to catch the fumes of sulphur, as rags dipped in brimstone stifle the air they aje tossed through. We dart back from the fire-tipped arrows that are shot against it. 136 HI8T0RT OF WATERS URT. We are even compelled to watch with well nigh fatal fascination that cart^ while Indians lade it with flax and tow until it can hold no more; while they throw on the flaming torch and thrust for- ward the fiery load that strikes the house with a burning thud; to know, at last, that the house is kindling! Shall we stay to burn, or open that door and rush forth to meet three hundred foes, every one of whom has heard the story of the burning of his Indian fathers in swamp and fort by Englishmen ? While we hesitate, the ** heavens are opened," the floods descend, the fire is quenched, help cometh, and we are saved! It was after Hadley, Deerfield and Northfield had been attacked ; after the seventy young men from Essex county, con- veying grain from Deerfield to Hadley, had been surrounded and slain while gathering grapes at Muddy Brook, by an overwhelm- ing force of nearly eight hundred Indians; after thirty houses had been burned at Springfield, that advice " to be observed '* came from the General Court. The inciting cause for this advice was a letter received from Governor Andros of New York. It was writ- ten October loth, and informed the Council that an Indian, profess- ing friendship for Englishmen, had given warning that the Con- necticut Indians planned to attack Hartford during the " light moon " of October. Governor Andros received this news in the morning and hurried it off by post. He added to it the report that other towns between Hartford and Greenwich were in the same danger, and that between five and six thousand Indians were ** engaged together" to make the attacks. The urgency of this let- ter is well expressed by its inscription. After the usual address to Deputy Governor Leete, Governor Andros added, *' to be forth- with posted up to the Court, post, haste, post — night and daye." This letter confirmed fears that were already in force because of the war-like demonstrations in Connecticut's own towns. The Indians of Milford made complaints of hard treatment, and even the Paugasuck Indians of Derby " were prepared with their arms in a hostile manner." This had so alarmed the inhabitants that the Council was appealed to for advice. The Court had already advised the inhabitants "to remove their women and children; their best goods and their corn — what they could of it — to some bigger town that had a better capacity to defend itself," and had given the same counsel to all small places and farms throughout the Colony. Upon the receipt of this letter advice crystallized into law. Under the impression of imminent danger, the Council set forth in crisp language the well nigh defenceless condition of all the plan- MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION. 137 tations, and ordered each one to make places of defence and appoint room in them for the women and children, and others not able to help themselves, to repair into in case of assault. It ordered all weak places and out-livers on farms speedily to remove, with the best of their estates, to places of the most hopeful security. This order was issued October 14, 1675. Treaties were at once formed with the Indians of Hartford, Farmington, Wethersfield, and Middletown. The Indians were to set their wigwams where ordered, that they might be kept under the watch and ward of the respective towns. This was done to prevent their departure to join hostile tribes or to do injury to Englishmen, and also to prevent any cause of offence that might be offered to them by white men. At Hartford, a list of every Indian man, woman and child was taken. When the night watch went on duty, each Indian answered to the roll-call. When the ward began in the day the list was handed over to the warders, and each made answer again to the name on the roll. No Indian could be abroad after night fall, neither could he be absent, except by ticket of leave, unless accompanied by an inhabitant. We naturally infer that it was at this time, and consequent upon the order recited, that the inhabitants of Mattatuck took the Council's warning. We know that the men of Woodbury returned to Stratford, their old home, and that it was with great difficulty that many of them were persuaded to return to the wilderness when the war was ended. A considerable number of the then planters of Mattatuck still held home lots and houses in Farming- ton. No written evidence of the fact has been found by the writer, but it seems almost necessarily true that the " new town going up at Mattatuck " ceased in its building; that its dwellers left their houses on our Town Plot, crossed the river near Sled Hall Brook, followed the raised roadway, still apparent, leading from that point across the meadows to Willow street, and thence took their way by " the Watterbury path " to Farmington. This discouragement must have fallen heavily upon the little band of workers, that doubtless was compelled to leave certain of its num- ber to gather in the Indian and English corn and convey it to the nearest place of safety. Wallingford was at the time the nearest place of safety, as there were garrison houses there. Other orders soon followed. Simsbury was given but one week to remove in — Hartford, New Haven and other towns that could do so were enjoined to fortify. They were " to compleat and lyne their stockadoes and flanckers with a ditch and breast worke — that persons might have recourse to them to annoy and withstand ene- 138 HI8T0RT OF WATERBURT. mies, and all men's courage more animated and emboldened to do their dutys." Milford gave the Council some concern. The peo- ple there differed in the matter of their fortifications. They had trouble also with their Indian neighbors, these not keeping within the bounds prescribed, " and the people of Milford wishing to deal with them as enemies." The Council, without a day's delay, posted off a letter to Mr. Alexander Bryan of that town, desiring him to cause "all the people to carry so tenderly towards the Indians that they may not receive any just provocation to stir them up against us," adding : " We have enemies enough, and let us not by any harsh dealing stir up more yet ! Let us walk wisely and warily, that God may be with us." The necessity for a standing army caused an order to be issued in May of 1676 for three hundred and fifty men to be raised as the standing army of the colonies. How many men of the Mattatuck of 1674 and 1675, beside Timothy Standly and John Bronson, were volunteers in the companies that went forth to battle with the enemy, and were to have all the plunder that they could seize; "both of persons, corn or estate," the only condition being that "authority should have the first tender of their dispose of captives, allowing them the market price," or how many of their number were pressed into the more regular service has not been learned.* Farmington was largely represented in this war, more than fifty men being demanded of her; and once, at least, she was warned, by post, to stand upon guard for her own defence. We learn, with interest, the effect that this war had upon one of the thirty-one men of Mattatuck in determining his future resi- dence. John Judd and John Hawkins were the sons respectively of the Deacon Thomas Judd and the Anthony Hawkins who had grants of four hundred acres in 1661. John Judd had married Ruth Hawkins, a sister of John Hawkins, and the latter, when about to go forth with the army, made a will, from which I quote : THIS FOR MY BROTHER, JOHN JUDD. January the nth, 1676. These may inform you and those whom it may concern that if the providence of God shall so order it that I fall on the field and loose my life, or miscarry any other way before I come home, that the small estate that God hath given me shall be disposed as is here mentioned. To his nephew, the four-year old child of John Judd and his sister Ruth, he gave his house and home-lot, together with other ^ At a meeting of the Council in Hartford, December 5th, 1676, there was granted to John Bronson of Farmington, the sum of five pounds ** as reparation for his wounds and damage received thereby, and qoar- teridg and halfe pay to the first of this present month.'* To Timothy Standly, there was granted a soldier's lot. There were three John Bronsons in Farmington. MATT4TUCK A8 A PLANTATION. 139 lands, when he should be twenty-one years of age. (In this will the child is called the "cousin " of the testator). During the inter- vening seventeen years, the benefits arising from house and lands were to be held by John Judd. That John Hawkins fell in battle, or soon died, is apparent from the date of the inventory of his estate, which is September fifth, of the same year. Thus, we account in part — the removal of Deacon Thomas Judd to Hadley in 1679 being an additional motive — for the fact that John Judd never came to build on and occupy the house lot of two acres extending along the west side of Bank street, from the "Green," nearly to the Waterbury Bank, which was duly assigned to him. As we hasten on, this not being in any wise an outline of the war, we turn most willingly away from all the horrors of the win- try march of near two thousand Englishmen with their faithful Indian allies, and its outcome, in the greatest of all the swamp fort-fights, that of Narragansett, and come to the close of the conflict, making mere mention of the fact that throughout King Philip's war, the most careful, earnest and painstaking efforts were made, first and last, by the General Court, and the Council to "conciliate, pacificate, and well treat" the Indians within their borders. The safety of the colonists at home, depended on keep- ing their Indian neighbors "contented in their minds," and in gen- eral, success attended their efforts. When subject to the rigors of long marches, taken in cold and hunger, their Indian allies were, seemingly, if not in fact, treated with greater consideration than were the colonists themselves; so fearful were they of losing their dusky friends. The Court entreated her children in all the towns to come to some agreement with their neighbor Indians, by which they might be able to distinguish them from the enemy, and "not to put them upon any unrighteous and intolerable terms, to be observed, least trouble break out to the country thereby." Connec- ticut colony lost few of its inhabitants within her own bounds. A man named Kirby was killed, between Middletown and Wethers- field, by five Indians. Near Windsor, G. Elmore was slain. Henry Denslow, William Hill, and perhaps others, fell victims to Indian warfare. When Cohause, an Indian, who was taken prisoner by Indians, between Milford and New Haven, was examined before the Council, at Hartford, he admitted his knowledge of and parti- cipation in most of the above murders. As "a child of death, the council sentenced him to suffer the pains and terrors of death." His executioner was an Indian. Although it has been intimated that this war ended with the death of King Philip, it kept its active life long past that event. I40 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. Hatfield and Deerfield receiving " visits from fugitive Indians in September of 1677. They burned, it is said, seven houses, took captive twenty-four inhabitants, and killed, at Hatfield, several persons. This news aroused once more the people of Connecticut. Post-riders were sent forth; towns were warned to put themselves in defensive order; Hartford County was ordered to bake one thousand pounds of bread; the other counties five hundred each, and hold it in readiness for instant use, and fifty men from the triplet-towns on the river were rushed forth to Hatfield, with horses, long arms and ammunition. During this war, horses were comparatively few in number, and the prices at which they were held were very high. On the long marches the proportion of horses to men was about one to three. This seems to have been the last requisition of troops that was made. Gradually the conflict softened, the Indians either fied to the northward, or surrendered. The surrendering Indians, if not proved murderers, were to " have their lives " and were " not to be sold out of the country for slaves,'* but all persons sixteen years of age or older were to be sold for servitude. If under sixteen, the time of such servitude was to extend until the subject of it reached the age of twenty-six years. If over sixteen, the time was ten years. There was a division of Indians made to each county, and the " committee men " were to divide the county pro- portion, to the several towns in that county. When so divided, the Indians were offered for sale in each town unto " such as they thought most meet to educate and well nurture them, at such price as was thought equal." Each assistant and each " committee man was to have one for himself freely." The prisoners of war were otherwise disposed of. Some of the number belonged to the captors; others were bestowed upon "friend Indians;" and, perhaps the more dangerous sort, were sent out of the country and sold into slavery. Could a greater hardship befall an American Indian — with all the free-born blood of the forest ranger running from heart to brain — than to be made a slave in an English town, even when his master was just and kind ? Our Major Talcott had one of these Indian boys, whom, according to his account book, now in the State Library at Hartford, he bought of Mr. Wolcott. The Major kept a little account in his " waste book " of the running away of this Indian boy, that well illustrates the tendency of the Indian to roam at will, and we give it. January 1680, Dick was gone away three days. July 30, 168 1, Dick ran away at the time of Indian Dance, three days in Harness expended to find him. August 20, ran away two days. MATTATUCK A8 A PLANTATION, 141 August 25, Dick ran away and was found next day by his father, being but one day, found at Mr. Lord's bam. August 27, Dick ran away and was gone six days. September 13, Dick ran away with his father, as they say, went up to the West Mountain, and came not until September 19th, six days in all. Cost me one way and another to send out after them five shillings. November 4th, Dick ran way four days. November 15th and 16, Dick ran away all three days, and was off and on in the neck of land where was a Town of Indians, and his father brought him, after much time spent. That time. I was at charges in looking after him. four shillings. October 24th, 1684, Dick went way to Simsbury to Seposs his wigwam. The English saw him and advised Sepos to bring him home, but I sent two men to search after him and they brought him home and Sepos came with them. He was gone that time six days and spoyled his cloathes very much that time. The charges in looking after him was nine shillings that I was out of purse. May 19, 1685. Dick went away again. I sent to Podunk then, as I always did^ and to Farmington, Weathersfield and Simsbury as my manner was always to send around, that if I got out of one town, he would be taken in the other towns, but Coakham seieed him on the East side of the Great River and brought him home. I expended in my search for him that time, three shillings and six pence and he was gone bout iive days. But the crowning aggravation came in 1687, when, " Dick ran away in hay time ! I sent a man to Farmington on purpose with letters to Mr. Wadsworth to enquire of the Indians, and to Sims- bury, to Weathersfield, and over the Great River, and at last Mr. Hooker's Indian boys brought him home, who was gone that time five days and the charges this time was six shillings." This run- ning account of Dick's running away was kept with a legal pur- pose. It could be brought up against him at the end of his ten years of service and would prevent his release from servitude. A glance at Dick's " wast " book for the other side of his account, though earnestly desired, is denied to us. It should be told here that Major Talcott had the power to sell Dick, as a captive, to be transported out of the country for his running away, and also that each Indian who returned Dick received two yards of cloth. We have made no attempt to give even an outline of King Philip's war. Connecticut disclaimed all responsibility for it, but she suffered from it in untold ways. We have been able to catch a glimpse of the cost of it to Waterbury. It seems to have cost us the loss of a number of original planters; to have thrown a cloud of discouragement over the enterprise that was many years in lift- ing; to have added greatly to the burdens of those who had the moral and physical courage to continue the work— begun so auspiciously and interrupted at the vital point; and finally, to have thrown our town so out of line with progress at its very beginning, and dwarfed it so completely that it was thrown back 142 EISTORY OF WATERS URT. for several generations to rely solely upon self -effort under most discouraging conditions. Waterbury's position to-day among towns is that of a " self-made " town. Let us think thoughtfully of these things in her history; let us give credit where credit is due; for the natural advantages of the township were less than those of any one of the towns settled at an early date. Mattatuck bore her early trials and troubles without an apparent moan. Not a word has been found in relation to the sufferings of her people during King Philip's war. Not a cry for aid has been heard. Not a petition for redress has been seen. It is only by looking up facts that tell of the troubles of surrounding towns that we can throw the light from their beacon fires of distress into our plantation. Is it probable that Mattatuck escaped the experiences that befell Woodbury and Derby ? There is at Hartford a petition, which has never been published, that was sent up in relation to the grievances of Woodbury and Derby. It was not seen until after the chapter relating to that war was in print. It was addressed to the General Court, October 12, 1676, in behalf of those towns, by their respective ministers. Rever- end Zachariah Walker and Reverend John Bower. The writer of the petition was Mr. Bower. A portion of it only is here given : " That whereas the providence of God hath so ordered that by meanes of late troubles brought upon the country; we the inhab- itants of Woodbury and Derby have been necessitated to remove from our dwellings, and a more favorable aspect of Providence at the present inviting us to a return, and the necessity of many of our families in part enforcing it; yet forasmuch as we can not be assured but the like danger may again arise; we make bold before such our return to request this honored Court to resolve us in our important inquiry, viz. : in case the war with the Indians should be again renewed; what we may expect and trust to from the authority of this realm in order to our protection and safety ? We humbly request that this our inquiry may neither be judged offensive nor concluded irrational till the following grounds of it be considered. " First, we cannot be insensible of our former experience viz., that in a time when danger threatened the loudest and our two planta- tions above s*d were in greatest hazard, we were not only without any other help but our own for the guarding of our said places, but our own [men] also, which were indeed too few, were taken from us time after time, being pressed from the sea side towns, when occa- sionally they came thither about necessary business, whereby we had more, proportionable to our numbers, from our two plantations. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION. 143 imployed in the publick service than (we suppose) any other town of the colony : And as by that means we were forced to a removall so yt we had not the least benefit of any guard for the safety of our own persons or goods. Neither can we be insensible how unable many persons will be, after a second remove to those plantations, without mine to their families to return again to these their plantations; partly by meanes of the chargeableness of such removes, and partly by meanes of what disappointments we have already met with." The letter or petition then defines the mutual obligations of sub jects and rulers, and sets forth the benefits that would accrue to New Haven and Fairfield counties by securing the plantations of Woodbury and Derby, and adds, "because the Indians would not set upon lower plantations until they had attempted those above, and if they fail there, they will be the more shy of pounding them- selves by coming lower.'* It may not be generally known that during the period just referred to — in 1676— Ireland, touched by the story of the suffer- ings of her English brethren in New England, sent a gift of one thousand pounds for their relief. It is called in the records the "Irish Charity." Massachusetts caused a list to be made of the suffering families within her own borders and sent for correspond- ing lists from Plymouth and Connecticut. A list from Connecti- cut was forwarded, but when it became known that Massachusetts alone — with twelve towns yet to hear from — had within her bor- ders six hundred and sixty families that were in absolute distress, Connecticut, like the brave little Colony that she has ever been, remitted all her right, title and interest in the " Irish Charity " to Plymouth, and Massachusetts colonies. Connecticut's list, if in existence, could give to us the names of families that were driven out of their habitations; the owners of houses that were burned, and also the names of those persons and families that were sus- tained by charity; for they were all included in it. CHAPTER X. MATTATUCK's second entrance upon plantation life — A NEW TOWN SITE CHOSEN — TRANSFER OF TITLE TO THE PLANTERS — MAJOR TALCOTT'S ACCOUNT OF HIS PURCHASE OF A TOWNSHIP FROM THE INDIANS — A GLANCE AT CONNECTICUT COLONY IN THE YEAR 1679. THE Committee appointed to establish the plantation, without doubt, made due return to the Court of its acts concerning our town, but no record of such accounting- has been found; whereas, in the case of Derby an km pie and minute return was ren- dered, even to the care that had been taken in providing a place for yards, where goods and cattle brought to the ferry from Woodbury and Mattatuck might be stored. This was accomplished in 1676. Mattatuck's second entrance upon plantation life is heralded to us by the announcement of a meeting, held by the proprietors in May, 1677. They assembled to discuss the question that had arisen concerning the town site. " Difficulty " was recognized in setting the town where it was then laid out. No hint is given concerning the nature of this "difficulty." Dr. Bronson has suggested that it may have arisen from the desire to be on the same side of the river with their Farmington friends, in case of an attack from the Indians; from the difficulty of access from the east, both for themselves and their harvests, and from the fact that to Farmington they must resort "for the regular ministrations and ordinances of the Gospel." All these things must have received due consideration when the original site was chosen, and the conditions seem not to have changed, except that the danger from Indian raids had increased; but even then, Woodbury was nearer to them on the west and Derby on the south than Farmington was on the north. It would seem that some weightier cause than all these causes combined had arisen to throw discouragement over the Town Plot enterprise, and very natu- rally the men who had been foremost in building and in making improvements on the hill would be the strong objectors to the change. Evidently the proprietors were not of one mind, for they left the mat- ter in the hands of a committee, and chose men of discretion and years to decide for them. These men were " Deacon Judd, John Langh- ton, Ser., John Andrus, Senr, Goodman Root, and John Judd and Dan- iell Porter." They were to view and consider whether it would " not be more for the benefit of the proprietors in general to set the town MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION, 145 on the east side of the river." They were, in so doing, to content themselves with "less home lots.*' Those formerly laid outwore to be secured to them. The committee was instructed in the follow ing words, which it may be noticed differ slightly from the render- ing heretofore given : " provided also they think and concede it so to be, to advise with the Grand Committee, and in conjunction with them, they giving liberty, so to do." Under this agreement, the proprietors promised to act according to the decision of the com- mittee, "notwithstanding what is already done." If we could cast the shadow of a coming event in the right direction we might throw legal light on the change of site, for at the session of the General Court next following, it was ordered that "for the future, all plantations or townships that shall or may settle in plantation-wise shall settle themselves in such near- ness together that they may be a help, defence and succour each to other against any surprize, onset or attempt of any comon enemie ; and the General Court from time to time shall appoynt some committee to regulate such plantation settlement accord- ingly." This enactment was made because of the "woefull experi- ence of the late war," and because the " Providence of God seemed to testify against a scattered way of living, as contrary to religion." Each family upon an eight-acre lot would necessarily be more remote from neighbors than the same family upon a two-acre lot. The removal to a plot one fourth the size of the first lay- out of the town made the settlement very compact, and far more capable of self-defence. It may also be suggested that, as more than once in our history. Mad River has played an important part, it also became a factor in this change. The corn mill was of the foremost importance, and the urgent need that it should be near by the house lots was recognized. The excellent natural advantages which Mad River, at that time called Roaring River, possessed as a mill-site could not have been overlooked, for we very soon find it with its name changed to Mill River, and a mill upon it. Our authority for its first name is the paper on which is the original lay-out of the three-acre lots. Three of the lots were laid out on Roaring River, two on the south side of it, and one on its east side. The question of immediate water supply determined the site of all or nearly all early homesteads. We find that through the acres, about seventy-five in number, that comprised the second town plot, four streams coursed their way. Great Brook and Little Brook passed through the house lots that lined the east side of Bank and North Main streets. The West Main street habitations were sup- lO 146 HISTORY OF WATERBURT, plied by the considerable rivulet that came down from the north- ern highlands east of present Central avenue, and by another stream that came from the westward. Both streams crossed West Main street near the site of St. John's Church, uniting on its south- ern side. From that point the brook flowed westward through sev- eral house lots on its way, by meadow and cove, to the Great River.* The chosen spot was sufficiently well watered to supply to the town even its name " Watterbury." The next ray of light concerning the settlement falls upon it four months later through an Indian deed. The Assembly's Com- mittee transfers the title — Major Talcott alone signing the deed — to a tract of land ten miles in length from north to south, and six in breadth, to " Thomas Judd, John Stanley, Samuel Hikcox and Abraham Bronson, inhabitants of Mattatuck." As it names the above men and refers to the remainder of the company in the words, ** and to the rest of the inhabitants belonging to the said Mat- tatuck," a fair inference is that in September, 1677, the four men named were already housed in the new plantation. Concerning this deed, we learn that the proprietors of Mattatuck paid the com- mittee thirty-eight pounds, "in hand received, or security suffi- ciently given for payment thereof.*' The Indian side of this sale does not appear in manuscript, but we get light on the possible means used in the purchase of Mattatuck lands from the following items, found in the account book of Major Talcott, which relate to his purchase of the township of Simsbury. It is probable that similar tact and wiles, and Trucking cloath Coats, meat, bread, beer and cider, Indian corn, and a shilling in money, played their part in the acquiring of our township — Major Talcott being the purchaser of both townships. The account is in his hand writing. 1682. May 15 : Simsberry Town is D' Pr my payment of their indian parchas of their Bounds of their Town. To pay'd Totoo: and Nesahegon each of them a Trucking £. s. d, cloath Coat to Joshep whiting to John moses . 00 06 00 To Seokets wife a Coat, Aups a Farmington indian a Coat, Nenepaush Squa one: Coate, Nesaheages Squa one Coate, Cherry one Coate, and mamantoes squa one Coat for these six Coats I charge 04 16 00 ♦The name of our larger river was, while Watcrbury remained a plantation, Mattatuck River. After that date, the inhabitants called it the Great River, when necessary to designate it. This soon became in the lay out of lands and in deeds simply "the river/' Occasionally, in a document relating to matters extending beyond the limits of the township, it became Waterbury River. The name Naugatuck for our section of the river is quite modern. It was not universally adopted until after 1800. I MATTATUGK AS A PLANTATION. 147 > May 1 8th To payd Nesahegan for his right in tantuuquafooge Six bush- ells of indiati Corne To him payd for his right in weatooge Nine bushells of indian Corn att this time indian corn fetch ready money 2: shillings for which I expect money — i 17 06 May 1 8th To payd Masecup 2: Bushells by the Indians order, to Cogri- uoset 2: bushells — pr the same order, to wayump pr ye same order one Bushell May i8th To Seoketts squa 2 bushells, to nenepaush squa 2: bushells, To Aups 2: Bushells To pashoners squa 2: Bushells To totoos bushells seaven. To one bushell the Indians wear payd more — all as good as money soe I sould and others that sould, this being 21: Bushells 02 12 06 Pd chery more in money one shilling .... pd to momantooes sqa four bushells of indian Corne . . 00 1 1 03 pd to M' Joseph whiting of the Country for a Coat Serg' John Griflfin had for an indian that he payd for the purchass* . 00 18 00 pd p. charges of Twenty Indians first day at proudingf terms of a bargaine set the pot with good meat and bread beer and sider provided that day for Capt: Allyn and Capt: New- bery yo' comittee 01 05 00 Spent sundry times besides for 2 years together sometimes 10: sometime 20 sometimes 15 sometimes 6 or 7 indian with Cider victuall's and beer, at lest 16 days compleat myself and the first time cost me six dayes most of which I rod to pook hill [Podunk?] to the indians to drive on the bargaine they demanding one 100 pounds was afraid any of o' English should put me by the businis by adviseing them to insist upon that great sume for which I reckon . . . 06 10 00 18 16 03 1684 May, To so much payd Mr. Joseph Whiting for a Coat yo' Towns man had see folo 82 i 00 00 19 16 03 Simsbury Towne is pr: contra: Credited. The Towne of Simsbury have granted to me three hundred Acres of Land on the West side of the Town upon the River that runs there where the Indians ust to ketch samon at a place called cherrys land and any where within theire Bounds by that sayd River to be taken up in one Two or Three places as I see cause, as by Town grant doth fully appear, a coppy whereof I have in keeping and this to be in full sattisf action of all my cost and charge of the purchase of their bounds of Ten mile squar, and therefore must be accounted in my books at eighteen poundes sixteen shillings and three pence 18 16 03 More on the other side 01 00 00 19 16 03 The following is from the " History of Simsbury:" J " The Indians not having been paid [for their lands] made a grevious complaint ♦John Griffin had obtained from an Indian a deed of a portion of the Simsbury land, before this pur- chase. iSo in the manuscript. tNoah \, Phelps, author of History of Simsbury. 148 HISTORY OF WATERS UBT. • to the Major, and being incessantly urging for their dues," the town, " to still their acclamations and to bring to issue the said case, and to ease the Major of those vexatious outcries made by the Indians for their money," ordered the sale of one hundred and fifty acres of land to extinguish the debt. We will glance for a moment beyond the hills of this plantation gathering at Mattatuck, in the year 1679, and look out upon the English Colony that encompasses it. We find Connecticut lying between "Narraganset River" on the east, and "Mamaronock Rivulet " on the west. Within her borders are twenty-six towns — Mattatuck apparently not included in the number; for although Mattatuck seems to have been the twenty-sixth plantation, her town number was twenty-seven — another plantation having gained precedence in the race for town honors. In every settlement in the Colony except two, that are "newly begun," there is a "settled min- ister," and the two "are seeking out for ministers to settle amongst them." The highest salary paid is one hundred pounds; the lowest is estimated at not less than fifty. We find, with a little surprise, that already in the twenty-six towns the people are divided into " strict Congregational men, more large Congregational men, and moderate Presbyterians," while within the Colony there are " four or five Seven-day men, and four or five Quakers." Ministers are preaching to the people twice every Sabbath day and sometimes on Lecture days. Masters of families are catechizing their children and servants with regularity, being so required to do by law. The poor are relieved by the towns where they live, every town provid- ing for its own poor and impotent persons. There are seldom any that need relief, because labor is dear. Two shillings and some- times two shillings and sixpence for a day laborer is paid and provisions are cheap. Wheat is four shillings a bushel; beef two and a half pence a pound, and butter six pence; other provision in proportion. "Beggars and vagabond persons are not suffered. When discovered, they are bound out to service." In the twenty-six towns are living 2,552 trained soldiers, for every man, with a few exceptions, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, is in his country's service. There is one " Troope " of about sixty horses. The Governor of the colony is the General of all the forces. There is a major in each one of the four counties, who commands the militia of that county. The horsemen are armed with pistols and carbines; the foot-soldiers with muskets and pike. There is one small fort at the mouth of Connecticut River. The Indians left alive in the colony, are estimated at five hundred fighting men. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION. 149 Thus early, it is with authority declared that most of the land that "is fit for planting is taken up," that what remains "must be subdued and gained out of the fire as it were, by hard blows and for small recompence." The principal trade of the colony is man- aged in the four towns of Hartford, on the Connecticut River. New London on the Pequot River and New Haven and Fairfield by the sea-side. The buildings are described as " generally of wood, some of stone and brick; many of them of good strength and come- liness for a wilderness, many forty foot long and twenty broad and some larger, three and four stories high." The commodities of the country, the larger part of which are transported to Boston and bartered for clothing, are wheat, pease, rye, barley, Indian corn, pork, beef, wool, hemp, flax, cider, perry (pear cider) tar, deal boards, pipe staves, and horses. There is also a trade carried on with Barbadoes, Jamaica and other islands, for money, rum, cotton wool, and sugar; with an occasional vessel laden with staves, pease, pork and " flower " to Madeira and Fayal. There are in the colony about twenty merchants ; some trade to Boston only, others to Boston and the Indies; others to Boston and New York; others include Newfoundland in their ventures. The vessels that are owned in the colony are four ships; one owned in Middletown, one in Hartford, and two in New London. One of the New London ships and the Hartford ship are of ninety tons burden each. To these may be added three pinks, twelve sloops, six ketches and two barks ; the total tonnage being about seven hundred. Absolute free trade is in full operation, except that a duty is collected on wine and liquors, which is improved toward the maintenance of free schools. Dwelling houses in the colony are not taxed, because they are so chargeable to maintain. The total valuation of the estates, dwelling houses not included, in the year 1679 is ;;^i53,6i4. This picture is not drawn with a free hand. It betrays at every step an evident desire not to paint th^ facts in glow- ing colours lest England exact more tribute for her King than the colonists are willing to yield; for these items have been gleaned from the replies made by authority of the General Assembly to certain questions concerning " His Majesties Corporation of Con- necticut." The questions were sent to New England by the "Committee for Trade and Foreign Plantations," in England. CHAPTER XL THE FIRST MEETING OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE, IN JANU- ARY, 1677 — THE SECOND MEETING IN 1678 — THE THIRD MEETING IN NOVEMBER, 1679 THE FOURTH MEETING IN 1680 — THE FIFTH MEETING IN 1680. HOW many meetings were held by the Assembly's Committee for Mattatuck in the interests of that plantation, cannot be told with accuracy. We have, well-preserved, in the hand- writing of Major Talcott, the orders of six meetings. They extend over a period of five years, from 1677 to 1682. By following their order we shall learn something of the growth of Mattatuck. New Year Day in England was March twenty-fifth until the date was changed to the first of January, by act of Parliament, in the year 1752. England's colonies obeyed the law implicitly, so long as required to do so. Attention is called to this point, for the reason that the writer has followed the usage of the period throughout its extent, thereby avoiding any confusion of dates, or unnecessary reference to "Old Style and "New Style." THE ORDERS OF THE ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE — THE FIRST MEETING. In January, 1677, a meeting was held, probably in Farmington, by the committee for Mattatuck, at which six points were " agreed and concluded." The first one accepts John Root, senior, he sub scribing to the "Articles for settling of Mattatuck in behalf of one of his sons." The autograph of John Root, as a subscriber to the "Articles," has not been found. The name is found placed upon a fence division at a later day. It was before this date that Abraham Bronson* withdrew from Mattatuck and went to Lyme; that Rich- ard " Seemor," Thomas Gridley, and John Porter dropped out of the race — John "vScovel," Benjamin Barnes, Joseph Gaylord and David Carpenter coming in at this meeting to take their places. It was at this meeting that the highways were to be " mended sufficiently " — Benjamin Judd being appointed to call the proprietors out each in ♦As early as October of 1877, Abraham Bronson had taken up his residence in Lyme. Bronson and Joseph Peck were candidates for the office of Lieutenant. '* The remonstrants " against Bronson's confirmation declared themselves *' possessed with many fears what will become of our sweet and pretious peace which the Most HiRh, praysed be his name, hath favoured us with." This election appears to have been made with all due formality. That it might be carried on in a solemn way, there was at least '* a fortnight's warning given before the choice," and a sermon preached by Rev. Mr. Noyes. Abraham Bronson was elected Lieu- tenant, Joseph Peck, Ensign— Lieutenant Bronson was also a deputy from T>yme, to the General Assembly, for a number of years. ORDERS OF THE ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE, 151 his turn, to do his just part, and Benjamin — Mattatuck's resident surveyor — was warned by the committee "to attend the Country Law '* in this service. With great consideration the committee granted to the proprietors one year more in which to take up resi- dence, each in his own house, in Mattatuck. The time that was formerly granted was soon to expire— on May 30, 1678. This exten- sion of time was to May 30, 1679. The final order related to public charges. They were to be borne " one year longer or more " than had been ordered in the third article, dated May 30, 1677. Major Talcott perhaps intended to write May 30, 1674 — the date of the original articles — the third one of which does relate to public charges — or it may have been that there was an annual meeting on May 30, 1677, and that the orders were given on that day which would give us knowledge of the layout of the first highways, house lots, meadow allotments, garden -spots of an acre and less in Munhan Neck, and other events of interest that we can not learn the time and manner of. It is evident that there was a meeting prior to the one whose orders we are following. It was in January, 1677 also, that the committee took occasion to announce that during the time it continued in power, it should appoint men " to lay out all necessary highways for the use of the inhabitants that were needful " and afterward the " Town was to state and lay them out, together with what common passages should be judged necessary." Then it was that the broad highway on the old Town Plot was reduced to two rods, and that the common field fence on the " East side of the river, for securing the meadows, was ordered to be made sufficiently by the last of May." Does the question arise ; How do we know that the above order is not the beginning of orders concerning the common-fence and field ? The answer is furnished in the list of names, whose owners were appointed to make the portion of the fence that was first allotted to them. It was appointed unto them to make it, at a time when Abraham Bronson, Richard Seamor, Thomas Gridley and John Porter were members of the plantation, and, as we have seen, they had left it before this meeting was held. Furthermore, on its roll, there is not the name of a man who joined the organization at this time ; showing conclusively that the common field and its fence had been the subject of an earlier order. During the year 1678 the settlement lapses into silence. Not a note of life can we extract from it, or find in relation to it, until ^larch in that year. THE SECOND MEETING. Three men of the committee met "according to joint agree- ment" at Farmington, March 11, 1678, and determined that those 152 HISTORY OF WATERBUBT, lots not yet laid out to the proprietors should be laid out by " Lieutenant Standly [of Farmington] with the* helpfulness of William Judd, and John Standly Jr." It speaks well for this committee of father and son that John Standly Junior's allot- ments were such that Talcott and Company afterward advised the town to make amends to him because of the "meanness" of them. In this second spring of the new beginning on the east side of the river, in 1678, there was " a mile of fence or thereabouts," ordered to be made within fifty days, and the three acre lots, which had been granted to the proprietors by a former grant, were to be laid out. William Judd, having had a grant that his three -acre lot should be "layd out upon the west end of his House Lott," the grant was confirmed. The three acres still lie to the southwest- ward of the house lot on which the late "Johnson house" stood, on North Willow street. THE THIRD MEETING. By the twenty-sixth of November, 1679, as winter was close at hand, the few courageous souls who had complied with the condi- tions, and adventured themselves and their families in the enter- prise, had appealed to the committee. These men doubtless felt that they were entitled to the presence and protection of every man who had signed the agreement to help build the town. Many of the pro- prietors still lingered in their old homes. Each man had some reason, sufficient unto himself, for his course of action, but his neighbor, in the lonely plantation on Great and Little Brooks, failed to see why the obligation should not be met. The committee con- vened at Farmington and held a meeting that continued two days. During this time it considered the case of the delinquent sub- scribers, and declaring that their delay led to the discouragement of the men already at Mattatuck, and weakened their hands, " deter- mined and resolved " to bring about a better state of things. To that end, the announcement was made that every man who was not personally present with his family at Mattatuck by the last of May, 1680, there to abide, must forfeit his title and interest in all the allot- ments that had been granted to him there. This meant his house lot; his old Town Plot house lot; his three-acre lot, and such other grants as the committee had made every man equal in, without regard to the number of pounds annexed to his name. To add to the force of the argument for speedy removal, it was sejmingly declared that mere personal presence, although it might hold allotments, was not sufficient to hold title as a proprietor in the undivided lands of the township itself. To secure his hold upon them and place it upon a foundation never to be moved, he was required to build a mansion house in all ORDERS OF THE A8SEMBLT8 COMMITTEE. 153 respects up to the specifications given on the last of May, 1674, and to have it finished the thirtieth day of May, 1681, and to be abiding in it on that date. The committee had been very considerate. In the first place, the time limited was from May, 1674, to May, 1678. Because of the intervening war, this time was extended to May, 1679. When that time expired, an additional term, it is thought, must have been granted, but we find no extension covering the interval to November, 1679. Then, apparently, consideration, ex- tension and grace being alike failures, the penalty was annexed. We shall soon be able to see the result of this new law with its forfeitures. On the other side of the paper on which the above order is writ- ten, we find that Major Talcott has traced the announcement of the second death, so far as we have learned, that took place in the little band of thirty-one men, that of Daniel Warner. The language of the original record in the words that, "he, with his family, were upon the remove to Mattatuck, and on that juncture of time, the Divine providence of God removed the sayd Daniel out of the Land of the Living," suggests the possibility that his death was caused by accident, during the removal. " Out of compassion to his relict and children Left behinde him," the allotments were confirmed to them, without conditions. Mrs. Warner was advised, as were her relatives, to build a dwelling-house with all possible speed, and to inhabit there, or to cause some person to dwell there in her stead. Even in building, she was not compelled to abide by the time set for other settlers. The first death of a signer is believed to have been that of John Warner, Sen', the father of Daniel. The priority of his death appears — in our records —only from the fact that he was not in Mattatuck when the first and second divisions of fence were ordered, while Daniel Warner is the active maker of his pro- portion, in both divisions. On the next day, the committee was again occupied with our interests. We learn at this session that Lieutenant Samuel Steel laid out our first highways. East Main street was one of the number laid out by him. It is described as "that Highway at the east end of the Town plot at Mattatuck, running eastward out of Sayd Town plot, being Three rods wide." It was determined that it should be and remain for public and common use. It is further described as lying between Joseph " Gaylers " lot, and a house lot of two acres "reserved for such inhabitant as shall hereafter be entertained." Joseph Gaylord's lot is now the site of Irving block. The reserved lot is the corner of East Main and South Main streets, reserved to be the birth-place of the renowned Samuel Hopkins. 154 HISTORY OF WATERS URT. It was on this memorable 27th of November, 1679, that certain lands were designated and set apart for a specified use forever. Why those lands are not to-day serving the uses for which they were set apart, is an unanswerable question. Here are the words of the authorized committee: **It is agreed and determined that the House Lott of Two Acres, lying at the east end of the Town abutting Northerly on Thomas Warner's Hous Lott, and a piece of Meadow and Swamp conteyning about fifteen Acres, by estima- tion lying upon Steele's Brook, [the bounds being given] and a piece of Land conteyning by estimation Three Acres, lying in the pasture Land, commonly so called, shall be and remayne for the use, occupation and improvement of the ministry of the sayd Town forever, without any alteration or dissposal, use or improvement whatsoever." The two-acre house lot was the third lot of the six two-acre lots that occupied the east side of Bank street, between East Main and Grand streets. The well-known First Church property at the foot of Grand and Willow streets is the portion that is left of the three acres, lying in the pasture land. It is the only remaining fragment, the little crumb that is left of the generous loaf designed for the support of the ministry forever. The First Church was amply endowed by the Colony's committee, but permitted her inheritance to depart from her. Somewhere about eight hundred years hence, at the expira- tion of a lease, the fifteen acres on Steele's Brook may return to her. After providing for the ministry, the committee's next act was to encourage an inhabitant, by allowing " an additional House Lott to what was formerly allowed," to be laid out. And here we get an insight into the allotments that were before granted to each man, by the grants that were to accompany the new house lot. They were " eight acres on the old Town plot and a three acre lot." To the former grants were now to be added eight acres in the new division to be laid out, ten acres upon a plain on the west side of Steels meadow, and about twelve acres in " Buck " meadow "being an Island." When a town was in need of an inhabitant, because of his skill in any of the lines of its development, special grants were bestowed. This inhabitant thus provided for, was probably then in waiting. He was a man who was undoubtedly welcomed with all the greeting little Mattatuck had to offer, for he was a carpenter ! His name was Stephen Upson. He subscribed to the articles in December 1679, and probably made his mark on more than one of the houses that were waiting for the builder, for we have his testimony that "Samuel Judd's house was shingled 0RDER8 OF THE ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE. 155 about Michaelmuss *' and that "he went into it in November 1681,"^ and that "it was not fit before." The last bit of advice to the inhabitants on this day in Novem- ber 1679, was, to build a sufficient corn mill for the use of the town. Thirty acres of land were proffered to the persons who should build such a mill " and keep the same in good reparation for that work and service of grinding Corne." The thirty-acres of land were to be laid out, to ** be and remain to their heirs and assigns forever, he or they maynteyning the sayd grist mill, as afore sayd, forever." The last words of this meeting are the following: "We allow the standing of Thomas Warner's cellar without molestation, according to agreem*^ of Lieut. Sam" Steel." This was also a con- cession probably because of bereavment, and it gives us the assur- ance that there was, at least, a cellar in Mattatuck, in Nov. 1679. John Warner had recently died. He had undoubtedly built the cellar of his house on his house lot on the east side of Exchange place. It must have occupied the land near where vSouth Main street begins, also the part of Exchange place that was taken for that street when South Main street was laid out about 1806. It probably included the site of Apothecaries' Hall, it being the second lot from the northward of the six two-acre lots already referred to, as filling the space between East Main and Grand streets. The cellar may have been placed there before Lieutenant Steel laid out the highway, as it seems for some reason to have been an intru- sion upon it. However it may have been, the committee did not compel Thomas Warner, the son of John Warner deceased, to remove it, and it is agreeable to learn that the curved line of the east side of Bank street probably had its origin in a kindly intent toward the son of the man who was the first to die, of the men of Mattatuck. THE FOURTH MEETING. Major Talcott and Mr. John Wadsworth met at Hartford, May 22, 1680, and appointed William Judd, Thomas Judd, and John Standly, or such others as the inhabitants of Mattatuck should appoint, to meet with men of Woodbury, to determine a bound line between the towns. Representing the town^ John Welton and Samuel Hickcox acquiesced in the appointments made at Hartford, and declared that they did not see cause to appoint any other persons to determine the bound. This town act is the earliest, perhaps, on record, and indicates that the inhabitants had already chosen offi- cers, and before having been granted power to do so. The date is May 31, 1680. It appears upon the same paper with the commit- tee's act making the appointments, and is signed by John " Well- 1^6 HISTORY OF WATERBURT, ton " and Samuel Hickcox "in the behalfe of the teste." Therefore John Welton and Samuel Hickcox were the first townsmen, or select- men. The same day, Major Talcott and Mr. Wadsworth sent a com- munication addressed: "To Our Friends at Mattatuck/' in which more than a mile of new fence was ordered to be made. The need of this fence must have been very great, for the proprietors were directed to make it within nineteen days. THE FIFTH MEETING. This meeting was held at Farmington, on the fifth of February, 1680. Three members were present. Town officers had been chosen by the inhabitants as before stated, and without apparent authority. The committee gave power to the officers " to execute their respect- ive offices" and gave the inhabitants liberty, "being orderly called and convented " by their major vote, to choose their " Townsmen, constables, surveyors, fence-viewers and haywards, or any other civil officers, from time to time, without any farther order from the committee." Stephen Hopkins had, at this date, built a mill in Mattatuck. He was granted to have the " thirty acres appointed and intailed in a former order to such as should erect a mill there." To the thirty acres, the committee now added " so much more land as should be necessary to advance the grant to be in value of one hundred pound alottment." Deacon John Lankton, William Judd and David Carpenter, had been complained of for not meeting their obligations as subscribers. They had doubtless failed to arrive at Mattatuck with their families on or before May 30th, 1680, and their allotments, granted at Matta- tuck, were declared to be forfeited. Should any persons appear and desire allotments, they, by subscribing, building a house, and set- tling in the place with their families within a year from the time of subscribing, were to be invested with the allotments. If the new subscribers failed to fulfill, the lands were to return to the committee. " Leavyes " for defraying the public charges, except for watching and warding, were to be raised upon the meadows for one year from date. Uplands were permitted to be added to the meadow lands of Isaac Bronson and Benjamin Judd, sufficient to raise the meadow land to the value of an hundred pound allotment. Thus early we hear the cry raised for more land to improve. The applicants are Daniel Porter and Thomas Richardson. The town was granted liberty to add the desired land and the committee appointed men to lay it out, and also to lay out to Stephen Hopkins, his lands. Necessary fences for securing lands under improvement ORDERS OF TUB ASSEMBLY'S COMMITTEE. 157 were again ordered to be made by the last of April, 1681. Stephen Upson complained that he was much straightened in his possession of lands. Whatever addition the town should see cause to lay out to him, was granted. A house lot of two acres was granted to Stephen Hopkins. It was ordered to be laid out " as conveniently as might be to suit the mill;" also a three acre lot, "according as the other inhabitants have granted." The final act was the grant to Benjamin Judd of "some land at the north end of his house lot, to build on." This was the first legalized encroachment upon the fine broad way laid out through the town plot. Our beautiful " Green " is the portion that testifies to its original width. To this grant of " some land," the condition was annexed, that the highway should always be and remain four and one-half rods wide. CHAPTER XII. THE INHABITANTS OF MATTATUCK ITS PLANTERS YOUNG MEN FARM- INGTON WELL REPRESENTED — THE PLANTATION OF 1681 — THE GREEN PLAIN — HOUSE LOTS SURROUNDING IT — THE HOUSES — THE OWNERS AND THEIR FAMILIES. AN attempt, however imperfect its result may be, to gather by- name and family the little band of town-builders that grad- ually constructed the compact village of Mattatuck, will not be without interest. It may be said, with approximate truth, that the plantation of 1677 was the work of young men. That these men were " poor " men has, in one way and another, been so impressed upon our minds, that w^e find it almost natural to think of them and to speak of them as pioneers, driven by stress of lands and worldly goods to leave Farmington and live in log houses in the wilderness, in order to eke out a livelihood; but the facts, as they have one after another been relieved from obscurity, compose a brighter picture. The young men were, with few exceptions, married men with families. Some of the number, perhaps every one who came from Farmington, owned his own house in that place. Dr. Henry Bronson had not seen, when he pictured the log houses of the planters, the evidence granted to us, that the houses were both clapboarded and shingled. Neither did he know that his own ancestor — the John Bronson who is thought to have been of the company that migrated with the Rev. Mr. Hooker from Massachusetts Bay in 1636; who owned a house lot and other lands in Hartford in 1639; who was a soldier in the Pequot war, and who was one of the earliest settlers in Farmington — that he, also, reached out his aging hands to bless in the most practical manner the beginnings of our town. We find that he had here, when he died in 1680, the early form of the saw-mill — in a " pitt saw, Tiller and box." He also had other implements of the builder, given in the inventory of his estate as "at Mattatuck." They were " 4 plaine stocks with Iron and file. 3 Augurs and a zest [rest], a plow^ stock Irons and chisell." Beside these, he had here, cattle, and "one small feather bed." Farmington did not send out men whom she could spare, because they were "unwholesome members of her community," to found Mattatuck. She parted with some of her very best men; men who had assisted to lay her own foundation walls; men who were and MA TA TUCK AS A PLANTATION. 159 who continued to be owners of many fruitful acres in her beautiful valley; young men, whom she needed to serve her own places and purposes. There were not many families of note in Farmington that were not represented here by some one of their number. The Farmington church, that stood for all that was highest and best in the civil and social life of the time, yielded to us abundantly of her treasures. More than thirty of the men and women who came here, and who were dwelling in their own houses before the last of May, 1681, came hither out of the full communion of that church. The greater number of them had spent their entire lives under its influ- ence, guided by the religious teachings of Reverend Roger Newton and Reverend Samuel Hooker — while at least six of them could remember a boy-life in Hartford, and the teachings of Reverend Thomas Hooker. Beside these, the church parted, a little later, with Robert Porter, one of her seven pillars, and doubtless would have yielded to us another one, had John Bronson, Senior, lived to accompany his three sons in their removal. Whatever may be said of the planters of Mattatuck, it must, through all time, be admitted that they were a people — God-fearing, God-worshiping, God-loved, and we hope, God-loving. That they were well-born and well-bred, we know, for we have followed, even though it has been in a very imperfect and fragmentary manner, the path leading through time, and marked with the events in which they and they fathers had been led from 1628 to 1677. Of the elder men who ventured themselves to brave the discom- forts and dangers incident to migration; who attended the prepar- atory stages of the plantation, guiding its initial steps with their experience; not one, so far as we have learned, perfected his resi- dence as an inhabitant in 1681. John Warner, Senior, another soldier of the Pequot war, had passed on in the endless migration to the Unknown, before that time came; John Bronson, as we have seen, had already followed him, while John Andrews, Senior, was about to write his will, in which he describes himself as "grown aged," and "attended with many weaknesses," and even John Langdon— a deacon, at a later day, in the Farmington church — who had been energetically interested in the plantation, carrying up to the Court the petition for its formation, and paying the ten shillings neces- sary for the sending of it on its courtly way, failed to secure his position as inhabitant and proprietor — thus leaving young men at the front in every line of endeavor. i6o HISTORY OF WATERBURT. a k b ^ "5 * * ) i * ^ ;* ( ?^ { w > 1 s Highway nou/ milow Street. \ ■ 1 1 1 IS • A»i*rt ^»rter fit Jlcrt r ^trat % TIU0tms Hmioamt I 5 ^ ^ 5" • a Atrej 3 ^ d Q 1 5 Dmmti nTmrmtr fnSn^ Itiirmfr • -a ^rm a ^*r*t 5^ a Aerwkf 1 a ^rr73 first division of the common fence, and then left the plantation. Benjamin Barnes was his successor. There is a house upon the lot at this date. Benjamin Barnes is twenty-eight years of age. The name of his wife we know only as Sarah— and the date of the mar- riage has not been found. Benjamin, their first child of which we have record, was born in 1684. Mention is here made of this Ben- jamin Barnes to preserve the fact that his grave-stone is the oldest one known to be within the ancient township of Waterbury. It is here given, and is identified from its date, ly'g, and the ini- tials B. B. Benjamin Barnes died in 1709, aged twenty-five years. The stone was discover- ed in 1890, in the Grand street cemetery. It had sunken until the rough edge only of what appeared to be a common field stone was raised perhaps a half- inch out of the soil. It bears a date at least seventeen years earlier than any other tomb- stone in the township.* Leaving the green plain, we turn to the left, enter the North highway, and visit the most northern habitation of the plan- tation. No latch-string is out, for John Newell, his neighbors say, does not stay at home. His house is finished and waiting. John Newell's life-story we may not tell He brings no bride to cheer the North-street house during all the lonely thirteen years that he holds it. His age is thirty-nine years. The name upon the lot is "Thomas Newell son." We turn to his neighbor on the south, the reliable Isaac Bron- son. He is a man who seems in all ways to have been faithful to his promises, building on his four-acre lot in time, and "according to articles," and therefore not afraid to enter complaints against others. Isaac is thirty-five years of age. His wife is Mary, the daughter of John Root of Farmington. Their children are: Isaac, age 11 years, Samuel, age 5 years, John, age 8 years, Mary, age i year. !l Hopkim h Hopkin. 174 HiarORT OF WATERBURT. John Standly, Junior, or, as usually written on Waterbur}^ Records, John Standly, is the occupier of the next lot, containing three and one-half acres. In 1681, this young man of thirty-four years is quite unconscious of the important position he is destined to fill during the coming fourteen years of the town's life. Our regret is that he did not see the importance of copying, for preser- vation, more of the events connected with the early days of planta- tion and town. He was appointed to perform that duty by his townsmen after he left Waterbury. It is now twelve years since Hester Newell (the sister of John, who has the house two doors above) and John Stanley were married in Farmington. It is evi- dent that these parents have known the broadening touch of sorrow, for bereavement has been their lot. Before coming to Mattatuck, they lost two children, Esther and John. Their children in 1681 are: Esther, age 7 years, Nathaniel, age 2 years. Samuel, age 4 3'ears, On the next and last lot before reaching East Main street, we find the land originally allotted to Thomas Gridley; but it does not appear that he even attempted to make a rod of the common fence, or to fulfill any of the duties incumbent upon a "signer." John Stanley, naturally wishing his own sister, Sarah Gaylord, to live next door, assumed the responsibility of Thomas Gridley's allotments in behalf of Joseph Gaylord, her husband. Joseph Gaylord is thirty-two years of age, his wife is twenty -nine. Their children are : Sarah, age 10 years, John, age 4 years, Joseph, age 8 years, William, age i year, and perhaps Benjamin and Elizabeth. The record of Joseph Gay- lord's children is not quite satisfactory, either as to their number, order, or ages. Neither is his house quite satisfactory, but, " it is large enough and ovned." Crossing " the highway runningeastwardout of the Town Plat, " on the south-east comer of the green plain (now East and South Main streets) we are at the house lot " reserved for such inhabitant as should thereafter be entertained." The " entertained " resident guest proved, as we know, to be the miller, Stephen Hopkins. The mill at Hartford from its beginning seems to have been held in the Hopkins family; Governor Edward Hopkins himself owning the mill or an interest in it. It is not easy to recognize through the centuries the exact condition of this lot in Mattatuck in 1687. It is less than two years since this two acre lot was bestowed upon Stephen Hopkins, who had built the corn-mill in 1680, but what may be found upon it in November 1681, we are not able to record. MATTATUGK AS A PLANTATION. 175 Occupying^ the next lot to the southward, on which is the name ^* John Warner, Sr." with " Thomas Warner " beneath it, we find the son, Thomas Warner. This is the land it will be remembered upon which a cellar had been made in 1679, the cellar which the Assem- bly's Committee permitted to stand. Thomas Warner has failed to build his house in time. It is not finished, but that fact does not necessarily prevent our finding that his family is living in it, and as our records tell us that a son was born to Thomas Warner in Mattatuck, March 6, 1680, and the family continued here, we may expect to find him here with his wife Elizabeth, and their children, Elizabeth, age unknown, John, age 20 months. Benjamin, age unknown, Southward of Thomas Warner's homestead lies the house lot belonging to the " Ministry." On a lot south of the above lies the new house lot that was laid out for Stephen Upson, the accepted proprietor. Stephen has without doubt built his house, but his home lot lies in a lonely spot, he having no next-door neighbor, and it may be that he is permitted to live on the south side of the green plain, where he has a merry company of half-brothers, for his mother is now the wife of Edmund Scott. Stephen is destined to wait another year for his home, and his wife, Mary Lee, who will come from Farmington. Nearly all that Mattatuck gains, Farm- ington must lose. Thus we find that in 1681, Mattatuck is a village of twenty- eight dwelling-houses. Fifteen of the number are finished houses, thereby placing their owners on the Roll of Honor ; thirteen are incomplete, or otherwise unsatisfactory. Two of the planters have failed to build; and two house lots are to us as undiscovered terri- tory. We find twenty-two families (including one widow) in which there are ninety-three children; and one household is without children. There is one new home; and there are six planters who are not married men. To these must be added, in our thought of the inhabitants, the unknown number of persons who, in the natural course of town building, made themselves necessary to the young plantation, but whose presence never became a matter of permanent record. It is not unreasonable to suppose that Matta- tuck received some of the Indian captives — the residue of the war — and that they lived here during their term of servitude ; for the records of the colony are replete with indications that the early inhabitants utilized the labor of the " Indian " in many ways. Counting only the legalized inhabitants whom we can name we find one hundred and forty-five souls in Mattatuck in 1681. CHAPTER XIII. A LETTER FROM FARMINGTON — DIRECTIONS REGARDING THE GREAT LOTS — WAYS FOR PASSAGES THROUGH THE MEADOWS — THE COMMITTEE MEETING OF 1682 — ITS CONDEMNATIONS AND FORFEITURES. '"T^HREE months after the date of the preceding chapter, Timothy J^ Standly and Abraham Andrus, as selectmen, wrote to the Committee for Mattatuck, asking advice. The date of the letter was February 20, 1681. It was near the time of the annual meeting when the letter was written. The committee waited six weeks before answering the questions. The inquiries may be inferred from the replies given. The inhabitants were permitted to choose from among the three great lots, the lot that should be for the minister's use, and were told that in case they could not agree among themselves, the committee would decide the matter. Another question had been asked in regard to the great lots, in reply to which, the committee wrote : " Our answer is, men at present to take up these lots do not appear to us. We are not forward to break them, hoping in time some of worth and useful- ness will appear, and for the present leave it in the hands and power of Sergt. Thomas Judd, Sergt. John Standly and Samuel Hikcox [to] let out the three great lots, and to break up two or three acres in each lot, and to defray all common charges." This reply indicates that the inhabitants had asked if the great lots could be divided so as to admit men who desired to become pro- prietors of small holdings in the township. It also reveals to us that the committee held ambitious hopes for Mattatuck ; hopes which they quietly veil behind the words " Some of worth and usefulness," when they might have written, "some of wealth and station; men fitted to rule a plantation." The answer to the second question is especially interesting, as it touches the subject of highways. "In reference unto ways to be laid out for passage through your meadow lands, our answer is, that we desire and appoint [the same committee] to lay out ways through sd meadows of twenty foot wide or more if they judge needful, for cart, horse, or oxen in yoke ; every man to hold the property of the land taken out of his and their allotments forever, only to be improved for the use afores'd of a passage, the pasturage to belong to him or them through whose lot the way shall be laid MATTATUGK AS A PLANTATION. 177 out/' "Serg.t" Thomas Judd, Isaac Bronson and Benjamin Judd had applied to the committee for guidance in reference to herding of cattle. The answer was : " We do order and appoint for the future that the inhabitants at a town-meeting, the major part of the inhabitants so met shall have full power to resolve and determine the way and method for herding, and to state what shall be charged for keeping of cows, and what shall be levied on dry- cattle." This letter, announcing the result of the meeting, is signed by three members of the committee, John Talcott, John Wadsworth and Nicholas Olmstead. It was " Taken out of the original " by John Wadsworth. This is the first known meeting of the com- mittee that we have not in the *' original." Without doubt. Major Talcott's many duties prevented him from sending this one to Mat- tatuck. February 6, 1682, the committee met again. The meeting was held at Farmington. It was fraught with momentous consequences to certain proprietor inhabitants of Mattatuck. Fifteen months had passed since the time expired that had been appointed by the committee for the dwelling houses in Mattatuck to stand perfected. In the interval, sm annual meeting had been held. Its permits, and one order, we have just enumerated as contained in the letter sent to the selectmen. No hint has been given of condemnation or for- feiture. The inhabitants have been allowed to go on, living in and finishing their houses in apparent security, when suddenly the sword of justice descends upon them, and — wonder of wonders — it is wielded to the drop, through the agency of certain of the planters themselves. In view of the fact that the few men who came first and built first had made complaints to the committee because their old Farmington neighbors tarried in their homes, one would not naturally expect to find the same men again raising their voices in complaint, when their neighbors and their brothers had arrived, and were making their very hearts glad by their presence, simply because the same neighbors and brothers had been a little late in finishing their houses; but this is precisely what they did do. We meet here, among our own planters, one of the surprises that assail us at so many points in the life of the Puritan, affording another proof that there was something in the men of that day that we have never quite understood — that we have never begun to under- stand— and the knowledge of this facts hould cause us to withhold our judgment in numberless instances. This not-understood somethings led our planters straight on in the path of law, which to them was the King's Highway of Duty, and valiantly they trod it, even when the journey took away the thing they had most earnestly sought for. 12 178 HISTORY OF WATERBURY. Thus we find at the very opening of this meeting at Farmington, in February, 1682, the following statement from the committee: ** We having heard the complaints ; and Alligations of Serg'. Thomas Judd, and Serg*. John Standly and other Friends sent from Mattatuck, as persons impowered to implead sundry of the proprietors there, for that they have not erected their dwelling Housen, and finished the same, according to provision and enjunc- tion by Articles concluded by the Committee for Mattatuck, November 26, 1679." We have no reason to think that it gave either John Standly or Thomas Judd any pleasure or profit to have their brothers dispossessed of their allotments, or to lose one-half of the householders, and yet they laid and pursued the plan for precisely that result. It was from these " complaints and alliga- tions " that we were able to draw the picture of Mattatuck in i68i. At the risk of being wearisome we will give them in their due form and order. As the committee listened to the story. Major Talcott made notes upon a piece of paper seven and one-half by eight inches. That piece of paper, yellow with age, crumpled and worn, was among the discovered documents so often alluded to ; and by its light we have been able to throw color and form into a region that seemed destitute of both. The first act of the committee at this meeting was to adjudge and condemn all the granted allotments, formerly laid out to Ben- jamin Judd, Samuel Judd and Thomas Hancox, to be condemned as forfeited. Benjamin Judd was arraigned on two charges. The first charge was because he was not living with his family in Mattatuck on May 30, 1680. The second was that his house was not finished on May 30, 1 68 1. Testimony was offered that it was done in September of that year. Another aggravating circumstance was that Benjamin had " drawn oft from ye place." The temptations to linger long in Farmington must have been very great to most of the early settlers here. There, they had homes. There, family ties still held them. Their church relations continued there. Schools and comforts, unknown in Mattatuck, existed there. These things must have appealed strongly for sweet delays and long visits to men like Ben- jamin Judd, and to his wife, who was the daughter of Captain Will- iam Lewis, and to others. Samuel Judd had "not built according to time prefixed. He built and went into his House in November, :8i, and not fit before." Stephen Upson, the carpenter, testified that " it was shingled about Michaelmuss." Daniel Porter and Isaac Bronson testified. MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION. 179 Thomas Hancox was the next culprit. Of him it was said: He "hath a House covered all most all and clabborded and noe chim- ney, within the time stated." He had deserted the place, "being gone all or the greatest of the year past." It was agreed that the persons to whom the committee should thereafter grant the above allotments should " reside and dwell in Mattatuck the full term and time of four years in a steady way and manner with their families after subscription to the act and order." If the owners of the buildings on the condemned lands should refuse to sell them at a reasonable rate, or if the parties should fail to agree in the matter of purchase and sale, the new grantees were at liberty to build upon the land such mansion houses as the com- mittee required at the beginning. The same penalties for forfeiture were re-enacted for the new incumbents. The committee evidently made this condemnation and forfeiture of the allotted lands with genuine regret, for, almost in the same breath, certainly in the same sentence with the above conditions, we find the words: "And, in case those friends whose lands are at this meeting by us con- demned, do desire to be re-possessed of their present lands condemned as forfeited, [they] shall subscribe to this present act and order, in case we see reason to re-possess him of them." Under the above act, David Carpenter's formerly condemned lands were also to be admitted. The "friends sent from Mattatuck," also complained of "Timothy Standly, Joseph Gaylord, John Carrington, Abraham Andrews, Cooper, Thomas Nuel, Daniel Porter, Thomas Warner, Thomas Richison, Obediah Richards and JohnScovel," for their not building in time. Edmund or Edward Scott, Jr., was complained of at the same time; but his father came to the rescue, and he escaped. Benjamin Jones and John Newell were also the subject of com- plaint. To begin with the list, we find that Timothy Standly and Joseph Gaylord had each of them a house that was " Big enough, and ovned." [Ovened ?] John Carrington was complained of, because his 4iouse was not large enough. Abraham Audrus, the cooper, had not built a house on John Judd's house lot, which had been conferred upon him by the committee. Thomas Newell had failed to gain a residence in May, 1680, and his house was not finished in May, 1681, neither was it done when the complaints were made. Daniel Porter had built a house, but it had no chimney. Thomas Warner, whose father, John Warner, the old "Pequot warrior," had his cellar in readiness when he died, had failed to i8o HISTORY OF WATERS URT. comply with the building regulations. The house was still unfin- ished. Thomas Richason, poor fellow, was living in a cellar, and even the cellar was not his own, for the record tells us that he "hired it to live in." Edmund Scott, Junr., had a house, but it was without a chimney. Obadiah Richards had not built his house according to the dimen- sions required by the committee. This paper of Major Talcott's bears evidence of the Major's weariness of white men's complaints, for the latter part of it runs along in this sleepy fashion: " Benjamin Joanes complayned of for neglect of cohabitation. John Nuel complayned of for ye same — John Scove no chinny — B: Scott conyslait — " The last word is not easy to decipher. It does not seem to be complaint, and it does not seem clear that Major Talcott intended to write "comes late." The committee exempted Benjamin Jones and John Newell from the ban of condemnation and forfeiture. To the other men, they gave an opportunity. They were to submit, to reform and live upon the place one year longer than their neighbors, who had fulfilled conditions. This they were required to do, in order to become abso- lute owners of the soil. They all, with the exception of Benjamin and Samuel Judd, availed themselves of the way of return. Benjamin Judd withdrew his services as public surveyor and returned to Farmington. Samuel Judd left his house, into which he had moved with his bride in November, 1681, and followed his father, Deacon Thomas Judd, to Northampton, where, in due time, he fell heir to the estate of his father's second wife. It is not known what became of their houses; but it seems probable that Samuel's house remained for the occupancy of his brother Philip, who came in 1687, and received from the committee his brother's allotments, and that Benjamin's house was occupied in 1683, by Thomas Judd, Jr., his nephew. Thomas Hancox, after fifteen months' delay, when the meadows were growing green again, thought them promising enough to pay him for subscribing anew and staying the additional yeiir. Before this meeting ended, the committee agreed that all public charges, including those for making and mending highways, should be laid on the meadow allotments for two years, or until 1684. They also granted that each proprietor inhabitant should have eight acres laid out in such places as the inhabitants should agree MATTATUCK AS A PLANTATION, i8i upon, and they confirmed a grant of land, bestowed by the planters themselves, upon Samuel Hikcox. I think, but cannot prove, that this grant was bestowed upon Samuel Hikcox at this early date in recognition of his expenditures for a saw-mill. Philip Judd also, who died in 1689, after living here but two years, owned a " right of eleven pounds in the saw-mill and horse tackling." Six months before, on August 3, 1682, the inhabitants had held a meeting in the interest of Stephen Hopkins. Deacon Langton's allotments had returned to the committee, and at this meeting the inhabi- tants granted them to Stephen Hopkins, with the understanding or condition that one-half of the proprietorship should be entailed to the mill, in the same manner that the thirty acres had been. A copy of the record of this town meeting was prepared and sent over to the Assembly's Committee, that the act of the inhabitants might be ratified by the power that still governed the plantation. Among the early documents, we unfold this very copy that went from Mattatuck to Farmington in 1682, and was returned, with the acts of the committee, at an unknown date. There is upon it the words, *' transcribed on page 23 b." This indicates that Mattatuck Records at that date filled twenty -three pages. Samuel " Hickcox ** signed his name, and John Warner made his mark on the copy; they being the townsmen in that year. At some time between the date of the town meeting — or more strictly speaking the proprietors* meeting, for as yet there was no town — and this meeting of the committee in February 1682, vStephen Hopkins must have resigned the care of the -mill to his son John, for when the committee at the meeting whose acts we are considering, ratify the act of the inhabitants con- cerning Deacon Langton's allotments, the name of " John Hopkins, the present miller," is substituted for that of his father Stephen. The last words of this meeting are given in the form of advice. ^* Serg'. John Stanly " had petitioned the committee to allow him to have four or five acres of meadow land up the river, even though he must go four or five miles away from the village to find it. The committee advise the inhabitants to comply with Sergeant Standly's request, "in consideration of the meanness of his allotments." This land grant was called Standly's Jericho and the name still lives in Jericho bridge, on the Naugatuck railroad. The acts of this meeting were not signed until the next day; the committee having taken time to duly consider all the evidence offered. There is nothing to throw light upon the case of ** Edward " Scott, Junior. He had a house upon the lot that had been allotted to William Higginson, but it will be remembered that it had no chimney. On this day his father " Edward " Scott, Senior, i82 HI8T0RT OF WATERBURT, appeared before the committee, and made a verbal deed of gift to his son of " that house set for a dwelling house on the home lot granted to his son by Mattatuck committee," and all his rights in the other grants received that belonged to the home lot on which the house then stood,together with all the charges and expenses there- on. This gift included what " he had disburst for the lands in refer- ence to the purchase thereof." This first deed of land in Mattatuck bearing date February 7, 1682, is recorded by Major Talcott upon the same paper that contains the records of this most important meeting. "John Talcott and John Wadsworth Assistants/* sign the deed as ^witnesses. We are not able to account for the house on this lot without a chimney, and at the same time, another house on the same lot that met all the requirements of the committee, unless we assume that William Higginson had built a house on it, and that Edward, Sen- ior, had bought it, without the land. Similar transactions were frequent at this period. This is believed to be the last meeting held at Farming^on by the Committee for Mattatuck, for upon the same paper and beneath the deed of Edmund Scott, John Wadsworth wrote the following formula for signatures : " We whose names are here under- written do subscribe to a faithful submission and observation of the act of the committee on the other side of this lefe February 6, 1682." Nearly four months passed away before a penitent approached to promise "submission" and "observation," and then we find appended the following list of four names with their dates of signature. Subscribed this 4 June 83 Thomas Hancox. Jan. 10 83 Thomas Judd. May 26= 84= Robert: Porter. June 13. 87 Philip Judd. In a little comer of space left on the paper in the deed of Edmund Scott to his son, and above the formula for signatures, John Wadsworth tucked in the explanation of Philip Judd's signa- ture in the following words: " We the committee grant Philip Judd the quiet possession of the land and allotments at Mattatuck that was formerly his Broth Samuel Judds lands this 13th of June 1687 pr us. John Talcott ) CommitUe." ToHN Wadsworth 3 John Wadsworth Thomas Hancox was the only penitent. Thomas Judd was "accepted as an inhabitant at Mattatuck " on the day he signed the agreement. The following is the document: MATTATUCK A6 A PLANTATION. 183 " Hartford, Jan^y: the loth: 1683. Thomas Judd Jun' is accepted as an inhabitant at Mattatuck his father Thomas Judd having signified his desires of the same he the sayd Thomas Judd Jun': sub- scribing to the Act and order of the Committee February the sixt 1682. in reference to Benjamin Juds allotment, and privilidg of reseizen of the same upon condissions in the sayd Act and order granted. It being determined by us the Committee, in case any grant or grants be made by the inhabitants of Mattatuck to Thomas Judd Jun': in reference to possession of any parcels or Tracts of Land is hereby made voyd and of none effect, notwithstanding any thing to the contrary. And whereas there is an Addission formerly granted by the Committee to Benjamin Judd's home Lott, it is now ordered that the sayd Addission shall not run further into the High- way [West Main street, about present State street] than it was layd by Serg* Jn« Stanley Thomas Judd, and the Townsmen appointed for that service. John Talcott Pr us John Wadsworth ^ "Ly r\ r Committee. NicHO. Olmstead 1 »> Sam u ELL Snell Senr J This is the latest document that has been found containing the autographs of the surviving members of the committee. It sug- gests that Thomas Judd, Junior, had before that date received from the inhabitants, either with or without the sanction of the commit- tee, certain lands that he could no longer hold when invested with the allotments of his uncle, Benjamin Judd. Lieutenant Nicholas Olmstead died soon after he signed the acceptance of Thomas Judd, Junior, as a proprietor of Mattatuck. Lieutenant Samuel Steele, died in 1685, thus leaving but two mem- bers of the committee of five. Lieutenant Steele had more personal interest in our plantation than any other one of the number, for two of his sisters lived here, they having married the brothers William and Thomas Judd. Three children of Deacon Thomas Judd of Farmington, married three children of John Steele, of Farmington. As long as Mattatuck continued its plantation life, all the acts of the inhabitants that included the granting of lands, or the acceptance of proprietors, required the sanction of the committee; but after 1682, we find that gradually the inhabit- ants became more independent in their acts, because the comn^ittee more and more lessened its grasp upon affairs. In October, 1685, the Court "appointed Major Talcott and Mr. Wadsworth to con- tinue in full power as a committee for Mattatuck, as formerly, not- withstanding the decease of some other of the committee." Dec. 26, 1685, Major Talcott gave directions for raising rates for defraying public charges. There is in the writer's possession, a let- ter written by Mr. John Wadsworth to the selectmen of Waterbury, that is of interest in this connection. It is the last communication from a member of the committee. When folded in the creases made by the writer, the letter is about two and one-half by two inches. 1 84 HISTORY OF WATBRBURT. It still bears upon the red sealing-wax the impression of the writer's seal, which is so broken that only the sections of an anchor can be identified. We give the letter. It speaks for itself as clearly as we could interpret its meaning. We do not follow the spelling or punc- tuation: '* To the Selectmen of Waterbury: Gentlemen: — When we had the last meeting at Farmington concerning your affairs, it was pleaded and owned by some of yourselves that there was a division of land laid out, wherein it was agreed by yourselves and the committee that laid it out that there should be an addition, namely, 5-4 for one acre; that is to say, [in] part of that division; but through forgetfulness or oversight it was omitted, and so the persons concerned fall short of what they should have had. This is therefore to request and desire you to accommodate those persons concerned with that which may be just on the fore mentioned account, and, so as they may be suited as well as you can; for without doubt they will be losers by not having it together with fore said division — which is all at present from him who is Your assured friend and Servant, John Wadsworth. Postscript — Your " atendent " of the above said, shall be allowed by us the Com- mittee. Farmington, Sept. 9, 1687." The custom of " throwing in " land in the measurements of it was extensively practiced in our township. Hills were sometimes thrown in, and waste land not estimated. There is one instance of a land division wherein three roods of the best land was laid out for one acre and seven roods of the "worst" land for one acre. This arrangement was entered into in order to equalize values, as Mr. Wadsworth explains. At last on the fifteenth of May, in the year 1686, twelve years after the plantation was formed, the General Assembly was pleased to accept the plantation into Hartford County and to bestow upon it the name of " Watterbury." We have closely followed the government of the committee to the present date. Meanwhile, the inhabitants have carried on their own enterprises in the most enterprising manner. They have built their houses, constructed miles of common fence, built a corn-mill, and we feel constrained to write, a saw-mill, although we can offer no evidence as to its site, unless the saw-mill near the corn-mill was the earliest one built. Already the lot for the minister's use is chosen and perhaps built upon. It may have been the presence of the minister in the plantation that caused the General Assembly to confer upon it acceptance into the Corporation of Connecticut. It is at points like the present one that we miss the sight of the twenty- three pages of Mattatuck Records, ungrateful for the moment, for all that is left to us. During the nine years that have passed since the close of King Philip's war, not one note of alarm, so far as we know, has been sounded in Mattatuck, that was caused by the word or act of a single "dusky child of Adam." CHAPTER XIV. FARMINGTON's bounds — DEEDS FROM TUNXIS INDIANS — MATTATUCK LANDS CONVEYED TO THE PROPRIETORS BY INDIANS — BOUND LINE WITH DERBY — BOUND LINE WITH WOODBURY — A SUGGESTION — THE THREE SISTERS — DEATH OF KING CHARLES II. — JAMES II. PRO- CLAIMED KING, AT HARTFORD — THE CHARTER IN PERIL. AS in all her beginnings Waterbury must go back to Farming- ton as the source of her life, so must we study the boundaries of that township and examine her Indian titles in order to establish clearly and definitely our own territory. The acts of the General Assembly and the acts of the Indian are so firmly inter- woven and adjusted to fit the web of civilization, that, if taken sep- arately, we lose the meaning of the design. Therefore, diflficult as it may be to follow outlines, we make the attempt, resisting the temptation to give the interesting details that crowd close to one's pen and claim to be put upon record. When, in 1645, the bounds of Farmington were established, there seemed no necessity for a western boundary on its wilderness side, and no bound was appointed. Its eastern limit was five miles west from the Connecticut river. The Round hill, in the great meadow toward Masseco (Simsbury), was the point of measurement for its north and south bounds. Its south bound was five miles south from this hill, with the following very significant liberty : " They shall have liberty to improve ten miles further than the said five^ and to hinder others from the like^ until the Court see fit otherwise to dispose of it** Here stands revealed the fact that Farmington had jurisdiction over all of the territory comprised within ancient Waterbury for twenty- two years, before any restriction whatever was placed upon her improvements by the court. We will try and learn how the "Governor and Company of the Colony of Connecticut " acquired the title under which the terri- tory could be granted to subjects. The honest men of Farmington answer this question for us. It was " taken for granted that the magistrates bought the whole country to the Mohawk's country of the chief sachem, Sequassen." After the three bounds of 1645 had been established, it became necessary to look up the title that had been obtained from the Indians, at the first settlement. About 1650 there was a "discovery made, in writing, of such agreements as were [made] by the magistrates with the Indians of Tunckses concerning the lands, and such things in reference thereunto as tend to settle 1 86 HISTORY OF WATBRBURT, peace, in a way of truth and righteousness, between the English and them." It is by this "discovery, in writing,'* that the above fact appears in relation to the supposed title. We repeat it. It was '* taken for granted that the magistrates bought the whole country to the Mohawk's country of Sequassen, the chief sachem ! " The record goes on to narrate that "notwithstanding their interest by that means, yet that the magistrates did in a friendly manner come to terms with the Tunckses Indians that some English might come and live amongst them, which terms were these : That the Indians should yield up all the ground that they had under improvement at that time when the bargain was first made, and reserve ground in place together compassed about with a creek and trees, and now also to be staked out only in that piece. The English were to have the grass for their cows, which now they are willing to let go, also one little slip to be staked out, to avoid contention." There was also an agreement made, by which the English were to break up lands in the grounds that were, in time to come, to be used by the Indians. This bargain, or deed, seems to have been made with a full understanding on the part of the Indians; for John Stanton, the interpreter, was present, and is one of the witnessing signers; and the very language of it impresses one with the spirit of fair- ness evinced by the men of Farmington. The Indians are told in the plainest words, in this document, that "all the lands the Eng- lish have are of little worth until the wisdom, labor, and estate of the English are improved upon them, and that the magistrates, when they have land for a place, give it away to the English to labor upon, and take nothing for it." The advantages that the Indians were then enjoying through the presence and protection of white men are then very prettily pictured in words, after which the following promise is made by the chiefs of the tribe : "In this we, the chief Indians, in the name of all the rest, acknowledge; and we engage ourselves to make no quarrels about this matter." The Indians who signed this agreement were Pethus and Ahamo, said to be the son of Pethus. The marks or heraldic devices appended to this deed are notable; the first, because the signature is made with two separate marks, perhaps in imitation of English names; the second, or Ahamo's mark, is replete with a sig- nificance that merits consideration. It is an elaborate device, nearly two inches in height and more than an inch in width, show- ing care and intention on the part of the signer to express his meaning. The original deed forms a part of the volume of record. This deed, or agreement, was the second one, or rather it was a combination of the two agreements that had been made, one in 1640 and the other in 1650. THE TOWNSHIP OF 1686. 187 In 1667, " the Court granted unto Farmington to run their bounds from the Round hill to the southward ten miles, provided it did not prejudice any former grant to any town or particular person." It will be seen that by this grant, five miles of the ten that had for- merly been secured to Farmington for improvement, now came within her own proper bounds, leaving the five miles that she had had liberty to improve, entirely outside of her jurisdiction. In 1671, twenty-six years after she became a plantation, Farmington 's west bound was established. It was to run ten miles west from Hartford bounds, or fifteen miles west from Connecticut river. Farmington in 167 1 was anxious to have her western bound established. Was it not with direct reference to the possible plantation at Mattatuck? It is unreasonable to suppose that the men of Farmington remained in profound ignorance of the region in which, for nearly a genera- tion they had had liberty to improve the lands, or that the impetus toward a settlement was unfelt up to the time when legal steps were taken to that end. With this thought in view, we can under- stand how certain places were already named, when the legalized settlement of Mattatuck began, and understand why we are unable to account for the naming of Steele's brook and plain and meadow; of Bucks hill and Wooster swamp; of Mount Taylor, of John " Macy's " land and Golden's meadow. They are one and all sug- gestive of the days when Farmington had liberty to improve, and the General Court used all the inducements in its power to per- suade its subjects to raise commodities, for export. Could a better field have been found for Edward Wooster, the great hop-raiser of the region, than Wooster swamp ? Farmington seems to have been keenly alive to her landed inter- ests at about the time the settlement at Mattatuck was in the thoughts of her sons, for in 1672 she secured along her entire west- ern border an additional mile of territory, and even Wallingford, apparently in dread of too near a neighbor on her western side, petitioned for and secured two miles of additional territory on her western border. The grant to Farmington pushed Mattatuck a mile to the westward. But the Indians of Farmington had never conveyed the lands extending ten miles to the southward of the Round hill, and ten miles to the westward from Hartford's west bound, and now the court had added the eleventh mile ! A new agreement was entered into on May 22, 1673, in order to cover the above territory. This argeement recognized the deed, or treaty of 1650, between Pethusand Ahamo, and the English,but explained that in course of time, dissatis- faction had "been growing amongst the Indians in reference to the premises, on which account the town of Farmington gave them a 1 88 HI8T0RT OF WATEBBUBT. meeting by a committee." How could it have been otherwise, when the court was, without authority, giving away their lands, and Farmington was receiving them, without making payment for them? However, at this meeting both parties came to a friendly and final conclusion, based upon the court's present lay out of lands. For all the miles of territory they gave up, the Indians received two hun- dred acres of upland within the bounds of the plantation, and three pounds in other pay. Upon this deed, also the original document, there is traced an outline of the Round hill, which is nearly a cir- cle, on the interior of which is written, "ye round hill — Wepansock ye Indian name." From the circumference of the hill, lines are drawn to the cardinal points, with the distance from the hill given on each line. Twenty-six Indians were present at the signing of this deed, and made their marks upon it. The territory covers fifteen miles from north to south, and eleven from east to west. It was not until May i8th, 1674, just nineteen days before the signing of the Articles of Agreement for the Settling of Mattatuck, that Farmington's southern and western bounds were measured and laid out and returned to the court. The south bound reached a tree on the west side of a swamp under the Hanging hill, near the south end of the hill. The tree was marked with initials, and the date. May 7, 1672. It is with interest that we note the western bound of Farmington, for it indicates the existence of a recog- nized, and, without doubt, habited place, farm or farms, before the plantation was organized. James Steele, the surveyor, makes the return to the court, as follows: "Farther, I being appoynted to measure the bredth of Farmington bownds from Hartford bownds westward, have accordingly measured out eleven miles tau^ards Mat- tatuck to a white oak tree marked with divers letters and figures, as S: S: [Samuel Steele] I: S. [James Steele] F: B., I: W. I: R., May 7: '73. with divers other trees marked in the sayd line." That Mattatuck was not at that date, simply a territorial region to which the name was applied, and that there was something beyond this western bound of Farmington, which, when reached was the Mattatuck^ towards which James Steele measured is certainly dis- closed by the words chosen to describe the western bound of Far- mington. August 26, 1674, fourteen Indians (six of whom signed the deed covering the court's extension of Farmington lands the year before), conveyed to the committee "one parcel of land at Mattatuck, situate on each side of Mattatuck River; being ten miles in length north and south and six miles in breadth." The eastern bound of this tract of land was upon Farmington. In 1677, the committee conveyed this sixty square miles to the thirty-one proprietors of THE TOWNSHIP OF 1686, 189 Mattatuck, they having paid the purchase price thereof. It must be kept in mind, that, as yet, the Colony of Connecticut had con- firmed no right in the soil to the planters. It simply held jurisdic- tion over the territory, and only quitclaimed its interest in lands, when the inhabitants had secured title to them from the aboriginal owners. Thus, we get a glimpse of the value to the settlers of the " uncouth " marks of the native potentates, and no longer marvel at the efforts made by the planters to secure an enlarged township by bargaining with the tribes for land to the north, south, east and west, of the sixty square miles of 1674. It must be kept in mind that the colony had in 1640, simply "taken for granted" that it pur- chased of Sequassen all the lands to the Mohawk country — but it soon fell back from that untenable assumption, and required would- be proprietors to buy their own lands. Meanwhile, it was decided to look ahead, and determine what might be suitable lines of divi- sion between town and town. Accordingly on May 18, 1675, ^ com- mittee was appointed to view the lands and the distances between Derby, Woodbury, Mattatuck, Pototock (Southbury) and Wyante- nuck, and to consider what might be suitable bounds for each town. Three years passed by, accompanied by King Philip's war, without a return to the court from this committee. During this interval, Mattatuck had awaited development; the inhabitants of Woodbury had entered into retreat at Stratford and perhaps, like our own peo- ple, they returned to their old love with renewed affection, for the town of Woodbury found it necessary to appeal to the court to make an order that might enforce the people who had taken up lots to return and inhabit there. The court made the order, which was very compelling and armed with penalties. Because of these things, the bounds had been neglected. In 1678, the boundary committee appointed in 1675, was called upon to report, but failed to do duty, and in October, 1679, was again called upon to report in May 1680; and it was ordered that " no farm be laid out within eight miles of either of those places, until return had been made." In May, 1680, the four men, Wm. Judd, Edward Worcester [Wooster], Lieut. Joseph Judson, and Mr. John Banks, proving still delinquent, a new committee was appointed "to view and measure the distances between Derby, Woodbury and Mattatuck and consider what might be suitable bounds for each plantation." It is evident that Derby and Mattatuck had become weary with waiting for the court's committee to act, for on the last day of April, 1680, the respective towns had appointed a committee to act in determining a line between the settlements, and had given their agents full power "to make a final issue of the matter before it ipo HI8T0BT OF WATEBBURT, should comg to the Court." And so it happened that three days after the appointment of the court's new committee, Derby and Mattatuck appeared, on May i8, 1680, before that tribunal with the following as their agreement concerning Mattatuck's south and Derby's north bound line. Twelve-Mile hill has long been a recog- nized landmark. It was given its name, and the twelve-mile stake was placed upon it, to indicate that Derby's north bound was twelve miles from Milford's north bound. The name and the stake carry the date back to the year 167 1, when Derby was not even a planta- tion, but the home of a few settlers who were ambitious to be recognized and owned by the colony. To-day, Twelve-Mile hill is called Andrews hill. It lies to the west of Naugatuck, and has an interesting and eventful history of its own. The following is the agreement between Derby and Mattatuck that was sanctioned by the court on May 18, 1680 : " The sowth bounds of Mattatock doe begin at a stake at Derby's Twelve Mile end, and from that stake to extend a west line where Derby and Mattatuck shall meet Woodbury bounds, and from that stake aforesaid at the end of Derby Twelve Miles, to goe w*** a straight line to a stone marked w"* M on the north side, and D on the south side, lyeing on the west side of Nagatuck or Mattatuck river, and from that stone* to the mouth of Beacon Hill brook where it falls into the Nagatuck or Mattatuck river, and that brook to be the dividing line eastward between Mattatuck and Derby." Thus the first boundary line of the township was estab- lished before town rights were bestowed, and without the interven- tion of the court, and to the evident satisfaction of both parties. The precedent seemed a good one for Mattatuck and Woodbury to follow. Accordingly, on June 29, 1680, William and Thomas Judd and John Standly, Junior, for Mattatuck — John Minor, Joseph Judson and Israel Curtice for Woodbury, had a meeting and unani- mously agreed upon the following boundary : "That there be a line run, due east from the westernmost part of the bounds agreed and concluded between Mattatuck and Derby, to Mattatuck river, and so that line to be run from the sayd river two miles and twelve score rodd due west, and then a line runn from the eastermost part of the great pond comonly known by the name Quassapauge, from such a part of the pond as by us allready is agreed on, fowerscore rods due east, and then a straight line from that fourescore rod to the aforesaid west corner between Derby and Mattatuck, and from the aforesaid corner fouerscore rod due east from the pond." The bounds were to run from the given \ *It is thou£^ht that the marked stone referred to was lost or destroyed about 1849, in the construction of the Naugatuck railroad. THE TOWNSHIP OF 1686. jpi points due north to the northward extent of each plantation's bound. May i8, 1681, the General Court "confirmed and rattified the boundaries agreed upon between Mattatuck and Woodbury and granted that Mattatuck plantation should run eight miles north from the town plott;" and also that Mattatuck's bounds on the east should be upon Farmington's bounds. The north bound of Wood- bury was not established until two years later; it was to run eight miles north from the north bounds of Derby. Lieutenant John Standly and John Norton were "to lay out Mattatuck bounds." That very day, May 19, 1681, our John Standly had been confirmed lieutenant of the "traine band of Farmington," of which organization his father, John Standly, had been for sev- eral years the captain. Accordingly the court gave to him his new title when, a few hours later, they placed him upon the committee to lay out our bounds. What a temptation it must have been to stay in Farmington, with the added glory of being a lieutenant there ! If anything could have won him from allegiance to the new planta- tion, surely this temptation offered by his townsmen, would have accomplished its purpose; but he laid his military title down and became plain John Standly of Mattatuck. On several committees that were made in reference to local matters, he was afterward called Lieutenant Standly. Although the committee had been appointed in 1681, and had duly attended the commission, the court did not accept and ratify the return. Possibly it awaited the time when the proprietors should have acquired title to the entire terri- tory within its allotted area. In the year 1684, three deeds were obtained from its Indian owners. April 29, 1684, nine Indians, for nine pounds, conveyed a section of land, as an addition to the tract conveyed in 1674. It was on its north side, and extended eight miles north from Mount Taylor. On an east and west line its extent was eight miles. At a point on this eight-mile northern line of the township, Standly and Norton marked a certain tree with their initials. This tree, in time, became lost, and the loss of it led to complications which proved a loss of territory to Waterbury; but we must wait forty years for the coming of that event. December 2, 1684, ten Indians, for nine pounds, conveyed "one parcel of land at Mattatuck situate on [the] east side of Nagatuck or Mattatuck river, to extend three miles westward from the afore- sayd river — three miles toward Woodbury, butting upon the rock called Mount Tayler; an east line to be run from thence to Farm- ington bounds, [and] a west line from the fore-mentioned rock, this to be the butment north — butting east on Farmington bounds, and from the great rock called the ordinary at the west of Farmington bounds upon a south line to Beacon Hill brook or Milford or New 192 BISTORT OF WATERBURT. Haven bounds, butting south upon Beacon Hill brook and Pauga- suck bounds — west upon Pototuck and Pomeraug. This parcel of land being [and] laying within the township of Mattatuck bounded as afore prescribed." February 20, 1684, twelve Indians, for six pounds, conveyed twenty parcels of land; nine on the east and eleven on the west side of the Naugatuck river. On the east side, the nine parcels with attractive Indian names lay between the mouth of Beacon Hill brook and Fulling Mill brook {at Union City), while the eleven par- cels on the west side seem to have extended from the first men- tioned brook to Cedar swamp, on the north side of Quassapaug pond. This deed is replete with points of interest. It presents to our notice the very unusual fact that twelve Indians conveyed nine par- cels of land, each parcel bearing its own descriptive name (its sig- nificance unknown to us), and the nine parcels circumscribed in area by two tributaries of the Naugatuck river, which are, possibly, not more than two miles asunder, and this in a region popularly supposed to have contained no "town of Indians." We here pre- ^^ THE TOWNSHIP OF 1636. 193 sent this unique deed. The reproduction is a little less than one- third of the size of the original, A timid suggestion may perhaps be allowed to enter here, in view of the above deed and other facts that have come to the notice of the writer. It will be remembered that the small-pox raged so extensively about 1634 that the Indian tribes as far to the westward of the Connecticut river "as could be heard of," were almost depop- ulated by that disease. In view of that fact, we can readily under- stand how once populous "towns of Indians" came to be broken up and deserted. The suggestion is, that the twelve signers of the deed of February, 1684, were the representatives of a tribe whose tribal name was the "Nagantucks," and that it had a "town" at some point between the two brooks; a town which had been given up at a date prior to the conveyance of the lands to the men of Mat- tatuck. In that region there was very early (certainly before Mat- tatuck was settled), a place called "The Deer's Delight." Can one imagine a more fitting deer park than the region lying between the entrance of Beacon Hill brook into the river and present Seymour, or a finer place for an Indian village than the vicinity of that brook at the straits of the river? In 1672, Nagantucks was recognized as a place or locality. It was associated (in the bounds of New Haven or Milford, perhaps both), directly with " the rock called the Beacon, lying upon the upper end of the hill called Beacon Hill, and with the three chestnut trees growing from one root, being on the next hill, called the Reare Hill." We here present the said three chestnut trees of 1672. They were still growing from one root in 1891, The town charter of New Haven described the north- west comer of that township as marked by the same three chest- nut trees growing from one root, in which patent they are called the Three Sisters. These trees became the boundary corner of the towns of Waterbury, Wal- lingford and New Haven, and also one corner of a bound be- tween Watcrbury and Milford. They were .sometimes called the Three Brothers. This clump of trees seems never to have been cut, but to have been left to 13 f94 niSTORT OF WATEBBURT. Stand until nature laid it to rest and appointed its heirs. At the present time, three large, ancient looking chestnut trees remain at the place and constitute the corner bounds of Naugatuck, Beth- any and Prospect. It may be noticed that Mattatuck's north bound was to run ** eight miles north from the /^zf/i //^/," which gave to that planta- tion about five miles of wilderness north of the north bound of Woodbury, whose north line was to run eight miles north from t/ie north line of Derby, Just four days after the men of Mattatuck, in little Connecticut Colony, obtained from the Indians the last of the deeds of 1684, there was sent forth from the "Councill Chamber in Whitehall " to the " Principal Officers and Inhabitants of Connecticut," the announce- ment of the death of King Charles II., which event occurred on that very day; and on the same day the proclamation of his only brother and heir as King James II., was likewise announced to Con- necticut. Directions were sent out, and the form for the same was enclosed, that similar proclamations might be made in the chief towns. All men in office here were to continue in office until the pleasure of the new king should be made known. James II. was duly proclaimed at Hartford, April 19, 1685, about two of the clock, with great solemnity and affection, and then Robert Treat, of Mil- ford, Governor, — he who but two months before was receiving the Indians to witness the marks they signed on Mattatuck's deed — by order of the Council, did address the new King in due form, giving assurance that "his proclamation as King of Great Britain, Ireland and France had been duly made with acclamations of joy and affec- tion, properly accompanied with petitions to the King of Kings for the long life and happy reign of his Majesty." Then, having done his duty by the king, he, the same day, prepared an address, in which he besought his most "Excellent Majestic to grant the benign shines of his favour to the poor Colony of Connecticut in the continuance of the liberties and properties granted by their late sovereign, Charles the Second, of blessed memory, that they might be encouraged in their small beginnings and live under his royal shadow a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and hon- esty." The address closed with due protestation of loyalty, duty and obedience. But we must turn away from the response of King James II. — from all the arts and wiles of his would-be "Counsellors," and the efforts that were made to dissolve the colonial system — and simply announce that, before Mattatuck became a town, Connecticut colony had every reason to apprehend the loss of its charter. For twenty- THE TOWNSHIP OF 1G8G. 195 t three years it had rejoiced in its possession and experienced all the blessings of its kingly protection. The men who received it were yet alive. They had in memory the ninth of October, 1662, the day on which it was **publiquely read in audience of ye freemen, at Hartford, and declared to belong to them." They had heard the oath administered to " Mr. Willys, to Captain John Talcott, and to Lieut. John Allyn;" the solemn oath to take into their custody the priceless three sheep-skins, and safely to keep them. To the same men they had seen Governor John Winthrop deliver the "Duplicate of that charter," in 1663. They had paid their full share of corn for that costly luxury; paid it in two-thirds wheat and one-third pease — dry and merchantable. Their persons and carts, their boats and canoes had been hired or pressed into service "to carry and trans- port" the corn from the towns to the vessels that bore the grain to New London. They had felt all the glad elation that came, when from Long Island and from the farthest western bounds, even to the very borders of the Hudson's river, the towns one after another came up, by deputy or petition, to be taken under the protection of that charter. Then the freemen had kept a Thanksgiving, appointed because of the success of their "Honored Governor in obtaining the Charter of his Majestic,, their Sovereign," and for the free trade that had been ordered in all places in the colony. Now, a day of public humiliation was appointed, to lament "the sin of their great unreformedness under the uplifting of God's hand against them." In the election sermon it was declared that He had "smitten them in all the labers of their hands, by blastings, mildews, catterpillars, worms, tares, floods and droughts." In 1686, just as the inhabitants of Mattatuck were waiting for the crown of all their labors — acceptance into the corporation, as a town entitled to send its deputies to the assembly — the priceless charter was in peril. The freemen of Connecticut were aroused ! Many miles of terri- tory, rich in mystery and replete with possibilities, lay to the north- ward and westward of the settled townships. The charter gave authority to " The Governor and Company of the Colony of Con- necticut" to bestow these lands upon the colonists; but there was no time for the organization and settlement of new towns. The General Assembly resolved to enlarge the River Towns. To Hart- ford and Windsor was given all the region lying between Wood- bury and Mattatuck', and the Massachusetts line on the north; and between Farmington and Simsbury, and the Housatonic river on the west. It gave to other townships other lands. It bestowed hun- dreds of acres upon individual men, for reasons that were not stated of record. 196 mSlORY OF WATERS us r. To properly equip the little Ship of State to outride the approaching onset, it anchored each town within its jurisdiction fast to the precious charter, by a " pattent " chain. The pattern, after which each chain was to be wrought, was prepared. It was in readiness in court on May 14, 1685; the day on which the towns were ordered to take out, each one, its own little charter. Matta- tuck had never sent a deputy to the Assembly at Hartford in 1685, and therefore, in alt probability, did not petition for a charter at the date given in the instrument as May 14, 1685, but merely fol- lowed, when she did petition, the formula that was provided at that time. If the above date be accepted as the true one, then Water- bury and Lyme were the earliest petitioners for charters, and the patent must have been sought by Mattatuck. Mattatuck's last appearance in public, by name, was May 19, 1686, and the date of the granting of Waterbury's charter was the following February. A glance at a copy of Waterbury's patent of 1686, under the light of the following facts, will convince the observer that it was not a valid charter. The patents, or charters, were "to be signed by the governor, and by the secretary, in the name and by order of the General Court of Connecticut." The month after they were thus signed, it was ordered that they be sent back to Hartford, that they might receive the legal title of " Authority." They were then to be signed by " The Governor and Company of the Colony of Con- necticut." Waterbury's charter of 1686, as copied for Bronson's His- tory, bears the following signature only: " Pr order of the General court of Connecticut. John Allyn, Secret'y." THE TOWNSHIP OF 168G. 197 We give the charter of that date, accompanied by a view of the lands included within it. The circular map of the township was sketched from the summit of Malmalick, one of the finest of the lofty, round hills, for which the region is noted. It lies south-west of Town Plot. From its summit the entire range of the township can be seen. waterbury's patent of 1686. Whereas the Generall Court of Connecticut have formerly Granted unto the inhabitants of Waterbury all those lands within these abutments viz. upon New Haven in part & Milford in part & Derby in part on the south & upon Wood- bury in part & upon the comons in part on the west & upon comon land on the North: & east in part upon Farmington Bounds & in part upon the comons & from the South to the north line extends Thirteen Miles in length & from Farm- ington bounds to Woodbury about nine Miles breadth at the North & somewhat less at the South end, the sayd lands having been by purchase or otherwise law- fully obtayned of the native proprietors. And whereas the proprietor Inhabitants of Waterbury in the colony of Connecticut in Newengland have made application to the Governor & company of the sayd colony of Connecticut assembled in Court the fourteenth of May one Thousand Six Hundred & Eighty-five that they may have a patent for the confirmation of the afoarsayd lands as it is Butted & Bounded afoarsayd unto the present proprietors of the sayd Township of Waterbury which they have for some years past enjoyed without Interruption. Now for more full confirmation of the premises & afoarsayd Tract of land as it is butted and Bounded afoarsayd unto the present proprietors of the Township of Waterbury Know yee that the sayd Gov & company assembled in Generall Court according to the commission granted to them by our late Soveraign Lord King Charles the Second of the blessed Memory in his letters patent bearing date the Three iB Twentyeth day of April in the fourteenth year of his Sayd Ma'*«» Reigne have given and Granted & by these presents doe give grant rattify & confirm unto Thomas Judd, John Standly, Robert Porter, Edmund Scott, Isaac Brun- son, John Wilton & the rest of the proprieters Inhabitants of the Towne of Water- bury & their heirs & assigns forever & to each of them in such proportion as they have already agreed upon for the division of the Same all that afoarsayd Tract of land as it is butted & Bounded together with all the woods uplands arable lande meadows pastures ponds waters Rivers fishings foulings mines Mineralls Quarries & precious Stones upon and within the sayd Tract of lands with all other profits and commodities thereunto belonging or in any wise appertaining & we doe also Grant unto the aforenamed Thomas Judd, John Standly, Robert Porter, Edmund Scott, Isaac Brunson, John Wilton & the rest of the p'^sent proprietors Inhabitants of Waterbury their heirs and assigns forever, that the foresayd Tracts of land shall be forever hereafter deemed reputed & be an Intire Township of it Selfe to have & to hold the sayd Tract of lands & premises with all & Singular their appurtenances together with the priviledges. Immunities «& franchises herein given and granted to the sayd Thomas Judd, John Stanly, Robert Porter, Edmund Scott, Isaac Brunson, John Wilton &. others the present proprietor Inhabitants of Waterbury their heirs assigns & to the only proper use and behoof e of the sayd Thomas Judd, John Standly, Robert Porter, Edmund Scott, Isaac Brunson, John Wilton & the other proprietors Inhabitants of Waterbury their heirs & assigns forever according to the Tennore of his Ma»'" Manar of East Greenwich in the County Kent in the IITSTORY OF WATERBURY. THE TOWNSHIP OF KSO. 200 HISTOBT OF WATERBURT. Kingdom of England in fee A common soccage <& not in capitee nor Knight service they yielding & paying therefore to our Soverigne Lord the King his heirs 4& successors onely the fifth part of all the oare of Gold & Silver which from time to time & at all times hereafter shall be there gotten had or obtained in Lue of all rents services dutys & demands whatsoever according to the charter in wit- ness we have hereunto affixed the Seal of the Colony this eighth of febuary in the Third year of the reign of s** Soveraigne lord James the Second by the grace of God of England, Scotland, france & Ireland King defender of the faythe of o"" Lord 1686: Pr order of the General Court of Connecticut, John Allyn, Secret'y. That the proprietors of Waterbury discovered that they held no legal title to their township, appears in the very words of their petition for a new one. In 1720, they ask that a "deed of release and quitclaim of and in the lands within the town may be granted, and be signed and sealed by the Honorable the Governor and the Sec- retary" The omission on the part of the governor to sign Waterbury *s Charter, was but a sign of the times. The colony was in a state of excitement and alarm. Sir Edmond Andros was daily expected to arrive, and to usurp the government. Waterbury had no repre- sentative at Hartford to look after her interests and it is highly probable that the town's patent, unsigned by the governor, and unsealed, was still at Hartford on June 15, 1687, when "Sundry of the court, desiring that the Patent or Charter [of the colony] might be brought into Court, the secretary sent for it, and informed the Governo'" and Court that he had the Charter, and showed it to the Court: and the Governo'" bid him put it into the box againe and lay it on the table, and leave the key in the box, which he did forth- with." This is all that relates to the story of the Colony's Char- ter that is on record. Dr. Benjamin Trumbull, Gershom Bulkley, and tradition, give to us the Charter Oak, and the rest of the interesting story from the time when the box containing the charter was left upon the table with the key in the lock. It must have been a dark day in June, when lights were required in the court room; or an evening ses- sion must have been held — it is difficult to contend with traditions, even that of the Charter Oak — so dear to Connecticut. The charter itself still proclaims by its presence in the State Capitol, that it was never given up. On the 13th of the October following. Sir Edmund Andros, in the name of King James II. took the government of the colony into his own hands. Under the advice of unwise counselors, the king had planned to revoke the charters of Massachusetts Bay, Plymouth, THE TOWNSHIP OF 1686. 201 Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, and Connecticut Colony, and to consolidate them under one government. The Province of Maryland, and the Proprieties of East and West Jersey and of Dela- ware were to be united with the Province of New York. Edward Randolph had been for some time in possession of five writs of Quo Warranto, with summons from the sheriffs of London, summoning the Colony of Connecticut, with other colonies, to appear before the English Court, and show by what authority the Governor and com- pany held power. Certain articles of misdemeanor had been drawn lip against "Authority " in Connecticut, as early as July 15, 1685. It will be seen that the General Assembly was not too early in getting ready for the expected disaster. Accusations were brought against the colony for promulgating and enforcing nine acts and laws, a number of which were declared to be contrary to the law of Eng- land. We cite one only. It was distinctly charged that the inhabi- tants were denied the " exercise of the religion of the church of England." A diligent search of the acts of the General Court, and of the code of laws fails to find any proof of such denial. This accusation was based upon the following law: "It is ordered, that where the ministry of the Word is established throughout this colony every person shall duly resort and attend thereunto respectively upon the Lord's Day, and upon such Fast Days and days of Thanksgiving as are to be gen- erally kept by the appointment of authority. And if any person within this Juris- diction, without necessar}' cause, withdraw himself from hearing the public minis- try of the word, he shall forfeit for his absence from every such meeting, five shil- lings." That the accusation was without foundation appears by an act made by the Connecticut legislators in 1669, and, so far as we have found, never revoked; showing, most conclusively, that the cere- monial rites of the Church of England were not denied to the in- habitants by any law made or existing after May 13, 1669. • • This Court having seriously considered the great divisions that arise amongst us about matters of Church Government; for the honor of God, welfare of the Churches and presevation of the public peace so greatly hazarded, do declare that whereas the Congregational Churches in these parts for the generale of their pro- fession and practice have hitherto been approved, we can do no less than still approve and countenance the same to be without disturbance until better light in an orderly way doth appear; but yet forasmuch as sundry persons of worth for prudence and piety amongst us are otherwise persuaded (whose welfare and peace- able sattisfaction we desire to accommodate) this Court doth declare that all such persons being also approved according to law as orthodox and sound in the funda- mentalls of Christian religion, may have allowance of their perswasion and profes- sion in Church wayes, or assemblies, without disturbance." Sir Edmund Andros took possession of the Government in Octo- ber of 1687. James II. abdicated his crown fourteen months later. 202 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. Dec. II, 1688. On February thirteenth, in the same year, King Will- iam III. and Queen Mary assumed his discarded inheritance. Will- iam and Mary had been on the throne less than three months, when Sir Edmund Andros having departed, the General Court of Connec- ticut was again convened. The date was May 9, 1689, and that was the thrilling session, at which Waterbury, for the first time in her history sent a deputy to represent her interests. " Ensign Thomas Judd for Waterbury," is the magical sentence found in the records of that court which tells us that Waterbury, after having served fifteen years as a minor, took her place in 1689 (under the reign of William and Mary) as a unit in the political life of the colony. Major Talcott did not live to see the plantation, for which he had done such excellent service throughout the period of its youth, celebrate its majority. He died after a most active, eventful, honored and useful life, in July of 1688. A singular independence in thought and act characterized this Puritan. Secretary Allen in writing to Governor Andros three months after that gentleman took his place as " Governor in Chief e of his Ma^*** Territories in New England," wrote of Major Talcott, that he was ** one who loves to act his matters by himself." Of Sir Edmund Andros, one may be permitted in parting with him to write, that he performed unpleas- ant obligations to his sovereign, with the least possible friction to the colonists. We find many ** snap shots " taken of him both by professional and amateur historians, that utterly fail to give likeness to his life and character. His treatment of the Indians and his care for their welfare, is extremely winning. He constantly urged that the peo- ple should everywhere " faile not to have regard to ye Indians as their own pebple." If he tasted the sweets of power in America, he also drank the cup of sorrow, for but three months after he began to rule, his wife. Lady Andros, died at Boston. As a picture of burial rites in 1687, we give an extract from the Diary of Judge Sewell, relating to her funeral : " Between 7 and 8 lychns [links] illuminating the cloudy air, the corpse was carried into the hearse drawn by six horses, the soldiers making a guard from the govern- ors house down the prison lane to the South meeting house; there taken out and carried in at the western door and set in the alley before the pulpit with six mourning women by it. House made light with candles and torches." CHAPTER XV. THE RELATION OF EACH MAN'S PROPRIETY TO THE PURCHASE OF THE TOWNSHIP — LAND GRANTS THE LOTTERY — MEADOW ALLOTMENTS — MINISTRY LANDS— THE THREE- ACRE LOTS — THE MINISTER'S LOT — MR. FRAYSOR REVEREND JEREMIAH PECK INVITED TO BECOME THE SETTLED PASTOR IN WATERBURY — THE MINISTER'S HOUSE THE SCHOOL-MASTER — THE "GREAT SICKNESS" OF 1689 — THE DEATH OF ROBERT PORTER AND PHILIP JUDD — THE BURYING YARD — WATERBURY's FIRST LIEUTENANT, COMMISSIONERS, AND TAX LIST. FROM 1677 to 1689, Waterbury made excellent progress in all the lines of her development. Neither death nor disaster, so far as we may know, attended her growth to that date. It is true that she had lost, by removal, two of her proprietors, Joseph Hickox and Thomas Hancox; but Robert and Richard Porter had been added to the number. During this period of twelve years much had been accomplished; the inhabitants had proceeded with their various industries without, so far as we can learn, taking thought of fear concerning their Indian neighbors. They had made definite and apparently satisfactory agreements with their prede- cessors in the ownership of the soil, covering an extent of territory about eighteen miles from north to south, and of an average breadth of from eight to nine miles. Over this stretch of country they had wandered at ease, examining every bit of meadow land on the Great river and its tributaries. The familiarity of the inhab- itants at a very early ^period, with their meadows, swamps, boggy lands, uplands, mountains, hills, *4o" lands and high lands; their islands, rivers, brooks, ponds, "grinlets," and "runs of water," when we consider the extent of the township, and the labors. that filled their hands, is surprising. During the life of the plantation, a man's acres in the meadows determined the amount of his taxable estate. His interest in the purchase of the township w^as deter- mined by the number of pounds annexed to his name as a signer of the plantation agreement — the highest interest being indicated by ;;^ioo, the lowest by ;;^5o. The relation between the one hundred or the fifty pound interest, and the "purchase paid," has not been learned. That there was a purchase of the township made by the planters in some form, and quite distinct from the purchase from 204 HISTORY OF WATERS URT. the aboriginal inhabitants, is evident; but nothing definite or explan- atory concerning it has been left on our records. The scheme that seems to have been carefully wrought out for the adventurers and voyagers, before the Massachusetts Bay Company set sail from England, affords certain hints in relation to the sub-divisions of interests and lands that ensued in that colony, and also in Con- necticut. It seems probable that the proprietors became holden to the colony, through the committee appointed by it, for all the costs and charges incident to the settlement of the plantation, including their Indian purchases and the work of the committee, together with all other incidental expenses. In the Massachusetts Bay, every adventurer who placed ;^5o in the common stock was to have two hundred acres of land. So in our own case, each planter secured lands according to his venture in the common stock. The division or allotment of lands in the former case was, in the begin- ning, left to the governor; in Mattatuck, to the committee. It is true that the men of Farmington told the Indians that the "Colony gave away their lands for the English to work upon without taking anything for it," but that was years before Waterbury was settled. If the above suggestion is in accordance with the actual purchase, then the amount of a man's propriety, if it was nominally ;^ioo, governed the amount of money he paid toward that purchase. In return for this payment, the man with the ;^ioo propriety received from the committee twice as much meadow land as his neighbor who held but half his tenure in the township. There is no one thing that more finely sets forth and fully illustrates the implicit faith of our fathers in the all-controlling power of the God in whom they trusted, than the manner of their drawing of lots for their lands. To them, this was a "solemn and awful ordinance;" it was God who stood within it, directing the issues that fell to His chil- dren. If a man drew the first chance, which gave him power to choose his land where he pleased, it was the Lord of heaven and earth who dwelt in that chance and appointed that he should receive it. The man who was reserved to the last and left no choice, believed that he was appointed for that lot, and accepted his por- tion. We believe that the men of Mattatuck, in like manner and with equal solemnity, approached "the solemn and awful ordinance of a lot," and accepted their allotments and divisions of upland and boggy meadow in the same spirit of devout submission. We stand two centuries away from this belief and condemn the lottery, quite ignorant of the fact that our fathers held it as an holy ordinance, and that it is this very elimination of God from it which brought it into disrepute. WA TERB Un Y IN 168U, 205 Before 1689, the following apportionment of lands had been made: The eight-acre house lots on Town Plott in 1674; the two- acre house lots on the east side of the river in 1677 or 1678; and to these had been added, probably at the same time, and apparently to each proprietor, one acre in Manhan neck.* This must have been to afford a garden spot, where the land was already in readi- ness tor the planter, on which food supplies, needful for immediate use, might be raised. There was also an eight-acre lot given to each proprietor. In addition to the above, there was a division of meadow land before 1679, and, probably before that time, one of boggy meadow. Of the layout of the above two divisions no record has been found. In the eleventh volume of the Land Records we find a copy of the order for the dividing of certain meadow lands in 1679. In 1891, the order itself was found, which we give below. The literal form of the original document is not copied, as the inex perienced reader would need a translator to comprehend it, but the language is carefully followed. It is called : TflE DIVISION TO THE STRAITS. The order which is agreed of in the dividing of and drawing of lots for those lands which **Lyeth" down the river from those lands already laid out to the **rivurit'* [Beacon Hill brook] which runneth into the river on the east side of the river at the straits [of the Naugatuck river, below Naugatuck] ; and also a meadow which is up the river from the town plot called by the name of Buck meadow [on the w^est side of the river above Mount Taylor] ; and, in the dividing of the above said lands, we agree that three roods of the best of this land shall be accounted as one acre, and the worst of the land which we divide shall be accounted seven roods but for one acre, and so rise or fall in this divi.*iion according to the goodness or badness of this land, and this to be considered and equalized by those which are or shall lay out this aforesaid land into their several allotments ; and also w^e agree that there shall be five acres allowed to a hundred pound allotment, and if these lands appointed to this division shall fall short to allow according to this propor- tion to every allotment, then those which fall short to take up their proportion in any undivided meadow, except a piece of land called the pasture, or a parcell of land which lyeth at the brook which runneth into Steele's meadow ; and in this division it shall be in the power of the above said persons if they see reason so to do to throw in lands into the several allotments and count it not in the measure according to their discretion and we begin in this division at the south side of the river and the lots to run south aud north which we count up and down the river and the first lot in order to be accounted that next the river and so run down the meadow to the " stray ts" aud take the lots in order as they fall at the north end and at the straits run over the river at the east side of the river in like manner, and go upward and end at the divided land at the fore said side, and then go up into Buck's meadow and begin in that allotment at the southward or lower end and go upward and end at the upper side or end of that meadow. * Manhan neck surrounds Neck hill, which is the meadow hill that overlooks the present ball grounds. 2o6 HISrORT OF WATERS URY. The lots as they fell by succession ; Great Lot. Benjamin Jones, Abraham Andrus, Samuel Hikcox, John Carrington, John Warner, Benjamin Barnes, Samuel Judd, John Wilton, Daniel Warner, William Judd, Timothy Standly, John Judd, Benjamin Judd, William Higginson. Thomas Warner, David Carpenter, Daniel Porter, Joseph Gaylord, Isaack Bronson, John Scovill, Joseph Hikox, Edmund Scott, Thomas Newell, Thomas Richason, Thomas Judd, John Langdon, John Standly. John Newell, •• y lote Botte." [The lot bought]. Obadiah Richards, Thomas Hancox, John Bronson, Great Lot, The two pieces of land that were excepted from use in this division, were the Little pasture, and the fifteen acres on Steel's brook, which had been set apart for the use of the ministry, by the Assembly's Committee in November, 1679. That act remained in force until the present session of the General Assembly of Connec- ticut (1893), at which session the First Church of Waterbury, after enjoying its inheritance for two hundred and sixteen years, sought and obtained legal power to alienate it. The moral right is still in question. The Waterbury Driving Co. is the present owner, or occupier of the fifteen acres on Steel's brook. This division of meadow lands has been so carefully followed, that we are able to place defi- nitely the land of each and every owner. The mouth of Hop brook was the place of departure. TJie land between the brook and the river was a "great lot." Afterward, it belonged to the pro- priety that was given to Rev. John Southmayd, who, when he recorded it to himself (as seven acres and one-half), stated that it included the island between the river and the brook. This is the island that lies in the Naugatuck river against the mouth of Hop brook. Abraham Andrews seems to have had his lot cast next the minister on this as well as on other occasions. His house lot, his Straits division, his Beaver meadow, his Hancox meadow, his Tur- key hill field, and even his seat in the meeting-house, were next the minister. In course of time the lot of Andrews, by purchase, WA TERB UR T IN 1689. 207 became twelve acres, and about 1790 was still known as Andrews is/and/ The railroad station at Union City is on a portion of it. John Carrington, Benjamin Barnes and John Welton also had their lots on Hop brook, substantially between it and the river. William Judd*s lot began below where the Great hill meets the river, against Mr. J. H. Whittemore's house, and extended below the present river bridge. In 1687 this was called eight and a half acres. The point was so heavily washed by floods, and so much of it was hopelessly barren, that when duly measured it was accounted twenty acres, showing how great was the discretion of the measurers in "throw- ing in" land. This became the "Deacon's meadow," which name it retained for many years. The three men whose names are next on the list had their lots on the west side of the river — David Carpenter's lying on both sides of " Towantick " brook [Long-Meadow]. The hill against the canoe place was passed over, and then five lots, (John Langton's being the southernmost), occupied the meadow spaces as far down as " Straight's " mountain. We find fourteen meadows on the west side of the river. On the east side, the lots were divided by the rough, rugged hills that came to the river, so that only nine lots (beginning with John Newell's at Beacon Hill brook, and ending with Daniel Porter's lot, which for some not understood reason, ended before reaching the "hither end of Judd's meadows," leaving ten acres between it and Squantuck or Fulling Mill brook). Ten lots in this division were laid out up the river, beginning at Buck's meadow; Isaac Bronson's being the first, and the others following in the order given in the list. " Y. lote Botte" or The Lot Bought, became Reverend Jeremiah Peck's. Obadiah Richard's lot was on both sides of the river. Buck's meadow not containing sufficient land to complete the list, Thomas Hancox's lot was given to him, perhaps a mile above, at a place spoken of as the "Slip," and also as "The Butcher's Island," Hancox Island, Ensign Judd's Island and Welton's Island. John Bronson went into Wal- nut Tree meadow, above Buck's meadow, for his allotment. The final lot was a great lot. It became Jeremiah Peck's and the school lot. This lay east of the river at Walnut Tree meadow. Walnut Tree and Buck's meadow we find used interchangeably, that is for the land on the east side of the river. The following preamble in relation to a meadow division of 1679, is new material that was found in 1890: A MEADOW DIVISION OF 1679. May, '79. The plantars of Mattatuck being at the town plot added by vote Thomas Judd to William Judd, John Standly, and Sam. Stell, to equalize the land to lay out in the division of land from Manhan meadow upward and make addition 208 HISTORY OF WATERBURT. to those lots in that division according to the quality of the land and remoteness of it as the foresaid parties shall judge to be just and right. The first meadow, 2d " 3d " west side the river. East side river, the first meadow from the south 12 acres. Island 5 acres, Second meadow, east side, .... It II 20 acres. 33 t ( 27 1 • 1 17 i 1 23 it 120