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COLLEGE SERIES OF GREEK AUTHORS EDITED UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF

JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE ΑΝ CHARLES BURTON GULICK

THUCYDIDES BOOK VI

EDITED ON THE BASIS OF THE CLASSEN-STEUP EDITION

BY

CHARLES FORSTER SMITH

PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

GINN AND COMPANY

BOSTON . NEW YORK - CHICAGO - LONDON

CoPpYRIGHT, 1913, BY JOHN WILLIAMS WHITE AND CHARLES BuRTON GULICK

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

513.10

Zhe Athenzum Press

GINN AND COMPANY + PRO- PRIETORS - BOSTON ° U.S.A.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

USED IN THE

COLLEGE SERIES OF GREEK AUTHORS.

abs. = absolute, absolutely.

acc. = accusative.

acc. to = according to.

act. = active, actively.

. adj. = adjective, adjectively.

adv.= adverb, adverbial, adverbially.

Aeol. = Aeolic.

antec. = antecedent.

aor. = aorist.

apod. = apodosis.

App. = Appendix.

appos. = apposition, appositive.

art. = article.

Att. = Attic.

attrib. = attributive.

aug. = augment.

c., cc. = chapter, chapters (when nu- merals follow).

ef. = compare.

chap. = chapter.

comp. = comparative.

cond. = condition, conditional.

conj. = conjunction.

const. = construe, construction.

contr. = contraction, contracted.

co-ord. = co-ordinate.

dat. = dative.

decl. = declension.

def. = definite.

dem. = demonstrative.

dep. = deponent.

dim. = diminutive.

dir. = direct.

disc. = discourse.

Dor. = Doric.

edit. = edition, editor.

editt. = editions, editors.

e.g. = for example.

encl. = enclitic.

Eng. = English.

Ep. = Epic.

epith. = epithet.

equiv. = equivalent.

esp. = especial, especially.

etc. = and so forth.

excl. = exclamation.

f., ff. = following (after numerical statements).

fem. = feminine.

fin. = sub fine.

frey. = frequently.

fut. = future.

G. = Goodwin’s Greek Grammar.

gen. = genitive.

GMT.= Goodwin’s Moods and Tenses. H. = Hadley’s Greek Grammar, re- vised by F. D. Allen (1884).

hist. pres. = historical present. ibid. = in the same place.

id. = the same.

i.e. = that is.

impers. = impersonal, impersonally. impf. = imperfect.

imv. = imperative.

in, = ad initium.

indef. = indefinite.

indic. = indicative.

indir. = indirect.

inf, = infinitive.

interr. = interrogative, interroga- tively.

intr. = intransitive, intransitively.

Introd. = Introduction.

Ion. = Ionic.

Kr. Spr. = Kriiger’s Sprachlehre, Erster Theil, fifth edition.

Kr, Dial. = Kriiger’s Sprachlehre, Zweiter Theil, fifth edition.

xré. = καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.

κτλ. = καὶ τὰ λοιπά. Kiihn. = Ktihner’s Ausfiihrliche Grammatik, second edition. Kiihner-Blass = third edition of the first part of the Grammatik, re- vised by F. Blass.

Kihner-Gerth = third edition of the second part of the Grammatik, revised by B. Gerth.

Lat. = Latin.

L. &S. = Liddell and Scott’s Lexicon, seventh and eighth editions,

l.c. = loco citato.

lit. = literal, literally.

masc. = masculine.

mid. = middle.

M.= Monro’s Grammar of the Ho- meric Dialect.

Ms., Mss. = manuscript, manuscripts.

N. = note.

neg. = negative.

neut. = neuter.

nom. = nominative.

obj. = object. ;

obs. = observe, observation.

opp. to = opposed to.

opt. = optative.

p-, Pp. = page, pages. ee

part. gen. = partitive genitive.

partic. = participle.

pass. = passive, passively.

pers. =person, personal, personally.

pf. = perfect.

pl. = plural.

plpf. = pluperfect.

pred. = predicate.

prep. = preposition.

pres, = present.

priv. = privative.

prob. = probable, probably.

pron. = pronoun.

prop. = proper, properly.

prot. = protasis.

quot. = quoted, quotation.

q.v. = which see.

refl. = reflexive, reflexively.

rel, = relative, relatively.

Rem. = remark.

S. = Schmidt’s Rhythmic and Metric.

sc. = scilicet.

SCG. = Gildersleeve’s Syntax of Classical Greek, First Part.

Schol. = scholiast.

sent. = sentence.

sing. = singular.

subj. = subject.

subjv. = subjunctive.

subord. = subordinate.

subst. = substantive, substantively.

sup. = superlative.

5.0. = sub voce.

trans. = transitive, transitively.

viz. = namely.

v.l. = varia lectio.

voc. = vocative.

§, §§ = section, sections. Plurals are formed generally by add- ing 8.

Generally small Roman numerals (lower-case. letters) are used in referring to the books of an author; but A, B, I, etc. in re- ferring to the books of the Tliad, and a, 8, y, etc. in referring to the books of the Odyssey.

In abbreviating the names of Greek authors and of their works, Lid- dell and Scott’s practice is gener- ally followed.

PREFACE

This edition of the Sixth Book of Thucydides is based upon Steup’s revision of Classen’s edition, Berlin, 1905. The vari- ations from the text of the Classen-Steup edition chiefly res- torations of Ms. readings— are explained in the notes. The exegetical notes of the German edition have been followed for the most part, but with a more independent attitude than was maintained in Books III and VII. Next to the Steup-Classen notes, those of Stahl, Boehme-Widmann, and Krueger have been most often drawn upon, but Mueller, Bloomfield, and Arnold have also been regularly consulted, and Marchant’s and Spratt’s commentaries, which have been at hand in the last stages of the work, would have proved more helpful had they been always ‘consulted from the outset. Valuable suggestions have come from Jowett’s translation and notes as well as from other sources. Hude’s text has been consulted at every step. Per- haps the tendency has been to regard more and more matter as common property, but the editor has been at least always ready to acknowledge especial indebtedness where it was due.

On a proof sheet last December, Christmas greetings were sent “to the best proof reader and typesetter I have ever worked with.” More public acknowledgment is hereby made to the same effi- cient coworkers on this book, with congratulations to the pub- lishers that employ such workmen. Especial thanks are due to Professors Gulick and Laird, who have read all the proofs with

critical but kindly eyes. C.F.S.

INTRODUCTION

In 427 B.c., the celebrated rhetorician, Gorgias of Leontini, headed a mission to Athens. His native city, then in conflict with Syracuse and getting the worst of it, sent him to persuade the Athenians to take their part. The result was the first expedi- tion to Sicily, under Laches and Charoeades, to help Leontini against Syracuse, and to make a reconnoissance of the region with a view to a greater expedition later. The expedition (427-426) spent itself from the beginning in minor undertakings. Charoe- ades was killed in conflict with the Syracusans (426), and Laches was superseded by Pythodorus and recalled to Athens to face prosecution by Cleon. Pythodorus was only the forerunner of a larger expedition to be sent in response to renewed calls for help from the Leontines and their allies against Syracuse. This expedition of 60 ships was to sail in the spring of 425 under Sophocles and Eurymedon to Sicily. Pythodorus failed in an attack upon a fort in the territory of the Epizephyrian Locrians, and the other operations of this preliminary expedition amounted to little. The larger fleet under Sophocles and Eurymedon was detained under way, first at Sphacteria; then, after that was taken, at Corcyra to aid the popular against the aristocratic party, arriving in Sicily late in 425. Meanwhile the Athenian allies among ¢he Sicilian cities had become lukewarm toward Athens; at a peace congress Hermocrates, appealing to the Sicilian patriotism of the opponents of Syracuse, induced the congress to look with disfavor upon calling in powerful out- siders to interfere in Sicilian affairs, and peace was concluded

among the Sicilians, to which the Athenians had to consent. γ

vi INTRODUCTION

On the return of the expedition to Athens, Pythodorus and Sophocles were banished and Eurymedon was fined. The gen- eral result of this first expedition if we may call the several enterprises one was only to unite the Siceliotes. It was largely the work of Hermocrates, and the Siceliotes now felt themselves representatives of all Sicily, where Sicels and Phoenicians counted for little and the Athenians were strangers.

The feud between the cities of Egesta and Selinus was the occasion of the second and great expedition to Sicily. A quarrel had started from disputes about marriage rights and boundaries. The Selinuntians, crossing the boundary river Mazaras, ravaged the fields of the Egestaeans; the latter drove them back, but in a later battle were defeated by the Selinuntians, reénforced by the Syracusans, and their city was invested. The Egestaeans appealed for help first to Agrigentum, then to Carthage; refused in both places, they resorted to Athens. Early in the spring of 416 B.c. an embassy from Egesta arrived at Athens. Reminding the Athenians of the alliance concluded with themselves during the former Leontine war, they begged now for a fleet to be sent to their aid, calling attention to the depopulation of Leontini by the Syracusans, and adding that if the Syracusans were allowed to secure complete domination in Sicily they would be likely some day, as Dorians and as colonists, to send aid to the Pelo- ponnesians, and help pull down the Athenian Empire. The Athenians would do well, then, to unite with the allies still left them in Sicily and oppose the Syracusans, especially as the Eges- taeans were prepared to furnish money sufficient for the war. The immediate result of the embassy was a vote on the part of the assembly at Athens to send envoys to Egesta to see if the money talked of was really on hand, and at the same time to ascertain the state of the war with Selinus.

When the envoys reached Egesta, they were the victims of a clever stratagem. The Egestaeans took them to the temple of

INTRODUCTION vil

Aphrodite at Eryx and showed them the seemingly rich treas- ures deposited there, privately entertaining at the same time not only the envoys but the crews of their triremes at ban- quets, using therefor the gold and silver vessels that could be found in Egesta, and borrowing others from neighboring Hel- lenic and Phoenician cities, transferring this dazzling display of plate from house to house for the successive banquets. The trick was not discovered; both envoys and sailors were com- pletely duped, and accordingly gave at Athens glowing reports of the wealth of Egesta. Besides, the Egestaean envoys that returned with them brought 60 talents of uncoined silver as a month’s pay for 60 ships, which they asked the Athenians to send to Sicily. On the strength of this report, the Athenian assembly voted to send 60 ships, under the command of Alci- biades, Nicias, and Lamachus. These were to help the Egestae- ans against the Selinuntians, restore Leontini, and order matters otherwise in Sicily as they should deem best for mes interests of Athens.

Four days later a second assembly was held to determine about the equipment of the fleet. Nicias, who as head of the aristocratic party was opposed to the expedition, asked for a re- consideration and moved to abandon the whole scheme, remind- ing the Athenians that it was unwise before they had recovered their old power referring especially to the Thracian posses- sions to engage in new undertakings, and attacking openly the ambition and the motives of the prime mover in the whole enterprise, Alcibiades. The latter defended himself with spirit, and so appealed to the imagination of the Athenian Demos that it was more than ever inclined to plans of expansion. There is no doubt that Alcibiades was then planning though he did not express his full views until he had gone over to the Spartans some time afterward to extend the Athenian Empire by win- ning first all Sicily, then Italy, and even Carthage; and in the

Vill INTRODUCTION

popular assembly he found a ready audience for so much of his schemes as he thought it wise then to unfold.

Finding it impossible to dissuade the Athenians from the undertaking, Nicias next attempted to frighten them by the size and cost of such an expedition, and being questioned as to its magnitude he said at least 100 triremes and 5000 hoplites with proportionate light-armed troops were required. But to his sur- prise the Demos was only the more eager for the enterprise, voting the generals full powers as to numbers and equipment and whatever they judged best to do for the interests of Athens.

Preparations were immediately begun and all Athens was astir, when one morning tle people awoke to find that all the Hermae, or stone pillars surmounted with the head of the god Hermes, had been defaced. The excitement was extraordinary. It was clearly an act of the grossest sacrilege, and the opinion spread rapidly that it meant a conspiracy against the democracy. The enemies of Alcibiades did not fail to implicate him, inasmuch as tales were told of mocking imitations of the Eleusinian mys- teries of which he and other young men had been guilty in their carousals in private houses. If guilty of such profanation, why not of the mutilation of the Hermae? He indignantly demanded immediate trial, but his enemies, wanting time to work up thie case, insisted that the expedition should not be delayed, and that the trial should be postponed.

So it was determined, and soon the day of departure came, about midsummer. The state furnished 100 triremes 60 swift sailers and 40 transport ships with whatever was most neces- sary for the equipment of the ships, and as pay a drachma a day for the sailors. The trierarchs completed the equipment in a spirit of rivalry, hiring the best oarsmen, adding bounty in addi- tion to the state’s pay, and spending money lavishly upon orna- ments for the ships as well as upon completer equipments with a view to splendor as well as to efficiency. The land forces were

INTRODUCTION ΙΧ

picked from the best muster-rolls. The hoplites had to equip themselves, but they, too, vied with each other in paying atten- tion to arms and personal accouterments. The whole outfit was on so magnificent a scale that it made the impression on the rest of the Hellenes rather of a display of power and resources than of an armament against an enemy.

Most of the allies, with the provision transports and the smaller craft, and the rest of the expedition, had been ordered to muster at Corcyra, so as to cross from there over the Ionian Sea; and now the triremes with the home troops sailed from the Peiraeus. The historian gives a wonderfully vivid and pathetic description of the embarkation of this armament, which eclipsed in costliness and magnificence all others that ever sailed from a single Greek city. The scene attracted to the Peiraeus the whole population of the city, both citizens and foreigners. When all was ready, “the trumpet commanded silence, the prayers cus- tomary before putting out to sea were offered, not ship by ship, but all together, to the voice of a herald; bowls of wine were mixed throughout the armament, and libations made by the soldiers and their officers with gold and silver goblets, the crowds on shore citizens and all others that wished them well joining in the prayers. Then, the hymn sung and the liba- tions finished, they put to sea, and first sailing out in column raced each other as far as Aegina.” It was a great holiday spec- tacle. In the great expedition, beginning apparently so auspi- ciously, were involved all the wealth and glory of Athens, but the historian says not a word here with reference to the disas- trous end of it all; for that he waits till the final summary in Chapter 87 of Book VII.

At Rhegium the Athenian generals learned for the first time that there was no money at Egesta, and how the deception had been effected ; whereupon they took counsel what was to be done. Nicias proposed to sail to Selinus and get from the Egestaeans

x INTRODUCTION

what money and provisions they could furnish, to settle mat- ters between them and the Seliuntians by force or agreement, then, coasting past the other cities and displaying the power of Athens, to sail home. Alcibiades urged that so great an expedi- tion must not disgrace itself by returning without accomplish- ing anything, that heralds must be sent to all the cities except Syracuse and Selinus, efforts made to win over the Sicels so as to get provisions and troops, especially to gain Messene which lay right in the passage and entrance to Sicily; then, knowing what allies to depend on, they must attack Syracuse and Seli- nus, unless the latter came to terms with Egesta and the for- mer allowed the restoration of Leontini. Lamachus was for sailing straight to Syracuse and fighting while the Syracusans were unprepared and the dismay was at its height; but as there had to be a choice among the three plans, he gave his adhesion to that of Alcibiades.

Before Alcibiades’ plan could be fully tried, he was recalled ; under Nicias’ direction the whole expedition became a stupen- dous failure. Meantime, though reports had been reaching Syra- cuse of the proposed Athenian expedition, the Syracusans were much divided in opinion, many denouncing the reports as a hoax, others and especially Hermocrates insisting on the truth of the matter, and urging immediate: preparation to forestall the danger. As the sequel showed, little was actually done in - anticipation, and Syracuse would have been at the mercy of the Athenians if Lamachus’ plan had been adopted.

Alcibiades, being recalled to Athens for trial, started ostensibly homeward in his own boat, accompanying the state galley Sala- minia, but at Thurii he slipped away and went to Peloponnesus. Nicias and Lamachus made an expedition as far as Egesta, but without accomplishing anything worthy of note. The spirits of the Syracusans rose as they noted the Athenians’ delay in attack- ing their city, and the futility of their undertakings generally.

INTRODUCTION xi

When the Athenians finally by a successful ruse sailed into the Great Harbor and effected’ a landing unopposed, then defeated the Syracusans in the first engagement in open field, they threw away all their advantage by retiring again to Catana for the winter. An intrigue by which they expected to gain possession of Messene failed, and negotiations with Camarina were unsuc- cessful. In all this time Hermocrates was the brains of the Syra- cusan cause; but Alcibiades on reaching Sparta gave advice which proved more potent for harm to the Athenian cause than anything Hermocrates could do: namely, to send help at once to Syracuse under a Spartan commander, and to carry on the war at home with Athens more openly; especially to fortify Decelea, the result of which would be to put Attic territory at their mercy and cause the loss of the revenues from the silver mines at Laurium and of the tribute from the allies.

The chief cause of the fateful expedition was Alcibiades, and his advice to the Spartans was most hurtful; but the chief instru- ment of fate in the disaster was the unhappy Nicias. The nar- ration and grouping of events show unmistakably the historian’s condemnation of the unfortunate general, whom he never blames in word. The one excuse that could have been urged for Nicias was that he was suffering from an incurable disease. But as Thucydides does not accuse, so he does not excuse; he simply mentions the facts.

The cardinal mistakes of Nicias in the Sicilian expedition, as gathered from the historian’s narration of facts, may be summa- rized as follows:

(1) Nicias rejects Lamachus’ advice to sail direct to Syracuse and fight as soon as possible under the walls. Formidable at first, by wasting the winter at Catana he falls into contempt and allows time for succor to come from Peloponnesus. (2) Learn- ing of Gylippus’ approach and despising the small number of his ships, at first he sets no watch (6.104); then, when he does

ΧΙ INTRODUCTION

send four ships to intercept him, he is too late (7.1). (8) He allows Gylippus to get into Syracuse by way of Euryelus (7. 2), (4) and to surprise and take the fort Labdalum (7.3). (5) He sends twenty ships to waylay at the Porthmus the Corinthian reénforcements for Syracuse, but too late (7.4, 7). (6) He al- lows Gylippus to build at night the Syracusan cross-wall past the Athenian wall of circumvallation (7. 6). (7) He permits Gylippus to surprise and capture Plemmyrium, with the result that the Syracusans are henceforth masters of the mouth of the harbor on both sides, so that not a single store ship can enter without a convoy and a battle (7. 22, 28). (8) He allows Gylippus and the Syracusans to send to southern Italy and cut off a supply fleet meant for the Athenians (7. 25). (9) He is deceived by a ruse and drawn into a sea-fight when the men are unprepared and hungry (7. 89-41). (10) He rejects the prop- osition of Demosthenes and Eurymedon to leave Sicily immedi- ately after the failure of the attack on Epipolae (7. 48, 49). (11) Having finally consented, in view of matters getting worse and worse, to lead off the army, he is frightened by an eclipse of the moon, and gives orders, obeying the injunction of the soothsayers, to wait twenty-seven days (7. 50). (12) Fooled by the messengers of Hermocrates on the night after the great sea-fight, he postpones immediate departure (7. 73, 74).

As Thucydides’ history of the Peloponnesian war is the recital of a great tragedy which crippled the most gifted race of ancient times, so the historian shows a remarkably dramatic instinct in his grouping and contrasting of events. The story of the Melian episode, a shameless display of Athenian arrogance and unblush- ing assertion that might makes right, is immediately followed by the account of the Sicilian disaster. Again, when the defeated and disheartened Athenian army breaks camp at last, he points another striking contrast: ‘‘ Moreover, their disgrace generally and the universality of their sufferings, although having some

INTRODUCTION ΧΙ]

alleviation in being shared with many, not even thus seemed a light matter in the present circumstances, especially considering with what brilliancy and boastfulness they had set out, and to what a humiliating end they had come.” ᾿

On the retreat Nicias behaved heroically, but it availed nothing. The catastrophe, made inevitable by the night-battle and panic on Epipolae (7. 48, 44), and the sea-fight in the Great Harbor (7. 70, 71), came in the awful butchery at the River Assinarus (7. 84). Nicias had hoped,” says Thucydides, to leave behind him to other ages the name of a man who in all his life had never brought disaster on the city.” There is Sophoclean irony in those other words with which the same -historian sums up the disaster of the last expedition which Nicias led, in which he was the chief factor, though Thucydides does not name him as such. ‘Of all the Hellenic actions in this war, or indeed cf all Hellenic actions which are on record, this was the great- est,!— the most glorious to the victors, the most ruinous to the vanquished ; for they were utterly and at all points defeated, and their sufferings were prodigious. Fleet and army perished from the face of the earth; nothing was saved, and of the many who went forth few returned home.”

1 Not less than 60,000 men had been sent, first and last, to Sicily.

THUCYDIDES VI

01.91,1; 416-415 B.c. Tov

δ᾽ αὐτοῦ χειμῶνος ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐβούλοντο αὖθις pei- 1

A A Q 9 , 9. Cov. παρασκενῃ τῆς μετὰ Λάχητος καὶ “Εὐρυμέδοντος ἐπι

a 4 ld 9 ¥ Σικελίαν πλεύσαντες καταστρέψασθαι, εἰ δύναιντο, ἄπειροι οἱ πολλοὶ ὄντες τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς νήσον καὶ τῶν ἐνοικούντων δ τοῦ πλήθους καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων, καὶ ὅτι οὐ πολλῷ τινι ὑπόδεέστερον πόλεμον ἀνῃροῦντο τὸν πρὸς Πελοποννη-

») Ν a ld 3 ε Ud 3 “A σίους. Σικελίας yap περίπλους μέν ἐστιν ὁλκάδι οὐ πολλῷ

1. At Athens there is reawakened desire to conquer Sicily, but a lack of exact knowledge of the size and popu- lation of the island. Remarks on the magnitude of Sicily.—1. ἐβούλοντο αὖθις. .. καταστρέψασθαι : the earlier unsuccessful expeditions from 427 B.c. (8. 86. 1), under Laches and Charoe- ades, until 424 B.c., under Pythodorus, Sophocles, and Eurymedon (3. 86, 88, 90, 99, 108, 115; 4.1, 2, 24, 25, 46, 48, 65), are here comprised in τῆς μετὰ Λάχη- ros καὶ Εὐρυμέδοντος (rapackevijs). That even before this the conquest of Sicily had been contemplated is clear not only from 8. 86.18 πρόπειραν ποιούμε- νοι εἰ σφίσι δυνατὰ εἴη τὰ ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ πράγματα ὑποχείρια γενέσθαι, but also from the charge against the last-named generals 4. 65.13 ὡς ἐξὸν αὐτοῖς τὰ ἐν Σι- κελίᾳ καταστρέψασθαι δώροις πεισθέντες ἀποχωρήσειαν. --- μείζονι ris: -- Τῇ,

οἵ. 1.85.5; 8.83.7; see on 16. 1.— 8. ἄπειροι of πολλοί : as appos. to Ἀθη- vato. restricting the whole to the des- ignated part.— 5. τοῦ πλήθους : alien element inserted in the closely con- nected words τῶν ἐνοικούντων... Bap- Bdpwy, as freq. in Thuc.— καὶ ὅτι . . . ἀνῃροῦντο : note change of const. from ἄπειροι With gen. to ὅτι clause. οὐ πολλῷ τινι: as in 7 below; not else- where in Thuc.; in Hdt. 1. 181.2; 2. 48. 8, 67.8. Elsewhere in Thuc. οὐ πολλῷ or οὐ πολύ serves to limit the comp. (5. 59.5; 7.19.8; freq. in the formula οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον, ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ, 866 on 1.45.8). The modifying τις with οὗ πολύς also 7.1.20.— 6. ἀνῃροῦντο: were about to take up. For the thought, cf. 7. 28. 28.

7. Σικελίας γὰρ περίπλους μὲν xré.: amplification of the two first points designated above as unknown to most

2 THUCYDIDES VI 2

ὅᾺ 9 \ e A 4 > 9 ¥ τινι ἔλασσον ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν, Kal τοσαύτη οὖσα ἐν εἴκοσι σταδίων μάλιστα μέτρῳ τῆς θαλάσσης διείργεται τὸ μὴ ¥ > 9. 2 θ δὲ 35 YS os toa \ 5 ¥ ἤπειρος εἶναι. ὠκίσθη δὲ ὧδε τὸ ἀρχαῖον καὶ τοσάδε ἔθνη

» Ν ἔσχε τὰ ξύμπαντα.

Παλαιότατοι μὲν λέγονται ἐν μέρει τινὶ τῆς χώρας Κύκλω- A πες καὶ Λαιστρυγόνες οἰκῆσαι, ὧν ἐγὼ οὔτε γένος ἔχω εἰπεῖν

Athenians of that time, the rest of this chapter discussing the size of Sicily, 2-5 the barbarian and Hellenic inhabitants of the island. To περίπλους μέν corre- sponds ᾧκίσθη δέ 2. 1. --- ὃ. οὐκ ἔλασ- σον: in statements of time or space freq. adv. Cf. 25.7, 67.16, 95. 5.— ὀκτὼ ἡμερῶν : acc. to Strabo, p. 266c, the circumnavigation required five days and nights. To-day a steamer would require at most 60 hours to sail round. See Holm, Gesch. Sizi- liens I, 380f., where all the statements of ancient writers are found.— καὶ τοσαύτη οὖσα. ... εἶναι : the narrow- ness of the strait geographically con- trasted with the extent of the island. Thuc. can hardly have meant to inti- mate, as Stein thinks, that Sicily as almost belonging to the mainland was esp. difficult to conquer.—év εἴκοσι σταδίων μάλιστα μέτρῳ... διείργεται: in Greek the stretch of sea is conceived as the point wherein a hindrance con- sists. Cf. ἐν with κωλύεσθαι 2. 8. 17, 64.10; 4.14.18. With διείργειν, an emphasized εἴργειν, cf. διακωλύειν. --- 9. τὸ μὴ ἤπειρος εἶναι: so nearly all recent editors for οὖσα of the Mss. The impossible ptc. seems to be due to dittography from οὖσα in 8. For the const., cf. 8.1.7; GMT. 811; Kihner-Gerth 479, 1, and 514, n.9, 1. The inf. without τό, 1.62.17; 8. 6. 7. See App.

On the settlements of barbarians and Hellenes in Sicily (2-5)

2. Non-Hellenicsettlements.—1.x(- σθη δὲ xré.: see on 1. 7. οἰκίζειν used here, contrary to Thuc.’s usual habit, universally and not simply of Hellenes. See on 7. For the sources used by Thuc. for the matter of 2-5, see App. —oSe: for the reading, see App.— 2. ἔσχε: acquired. Cl. thought that, acc. to the usage of Thuc. (see on ἔσχον 1.12.11), not Σικελία but τοσάδε ἔθνη must be subj. of ἔσχε, and αὐτήν the obj. understood. But, apart from the harshness of this const., there would be an analogy with 1. 12. 11 and simi- lar passages only if the different ἔθνη mentioned in what follows had all occupied the whole of Sicily, which was not the case. On the other hand Σικελία ἔσχε τοσάδε ἔθνη differs really only in tense from 2. 68. 10 πόλις αὕτη. .. τοὺς δυνατωτάτους εἶχεν οἰκή- Topas, and St. very aptly compares Soph. Phil. 1147 ἔθνη θηρῶν ois ὅδ᾽ ἔχει χῶρος. ----τὰ ξύμπαντα : all together. Ct. 1. 4 τῶν ἐνοικούντων καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων, θ. 1 τοσαῦτα ἔθνη Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων Σικελίαν ᾧκει. For the expres- sion, cf. 2.78.14; 3.92.3; 7. 87. 17.

8. παλαιότατοι: in 1. 4. 1, 18. 13, we have the shorter form παλαίτατος ; see St., Qu. Gr.? p. 56. —Aé€yovrar : of mythical or poetical tradition, as 2. 102. 27,84; 8, 96.2; 4. 24. 18. --

OLDEST POPULATION OF SICILY 3

» ε , 3 ”~ A 9 9 3 ,’ e 5 οὔτε ὁπόθεν ἐσῆλθον ὅποι ἀπεχώρησαν: ἀρκείτω δὲ ὡς A ¥ ε 9 4 ποιηταῖς TE εἴρηται καὶ WS EKATTOS πῃ γιγνώσκει περὶ “A N 3 ~ , , αὐτῶν. Σικανοὶ δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς πρῶτοι φαίνονται ἐνοικισά- 2 ε Ν μενοι, ὡς μὲν αὐτοί φασι, καὶ πρότεροι διὰ τὸ αὐτόχθονες 3 ε Ve 9y 2 ε»ὔ » »” ee en A εἶναι, ws δὲ ἀλήθεια εὑρίσκεται, Ἴβηρες ὄντες καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ “A ~ wa 3 e ‘\ > 4 Σικανοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ ὑπὸ Λιγύων ἀναστάντες. N “Ὁ A Kal ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν Σικανία τότε νῆσος ἐκαλεῖτο, πρότερον Τρι- > “A N » A vaxpia καλουμένη" οἰκοῦσι δὲ ἔτι Kal νῦν τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέ

10

ραν τὴν Σικελίαν. Ἰλίον δὲ ἁλισκομένου τῶν Τρώων τινὲς 3

4, οἰκῆσαι : settled. Cf. φκήσαμεν 2. 64. 20.— 5. ἀρκείτω xré.: as authentic in- formation is not to be had, one must be content either with the account of the poets (here esp. Homer, as also 1. 10. 4, 11.19, 21. 8), or with one’s own judg- ment about these peoples (ws ἕκαστος γιγνώσκει, cf, 2. 48. 10).— 6. ποιηταῖς : dat. of agent with pass. See on 1. 125. 6; 3.64.15; and Steup, Thuk. Stud. II, 65f.; C. F. Smith, Trans. Amer. Phil. Assoc. XXV, 71.--- περὶ αὐτῶν: Cl. renders ‘‘about these matters,’’ re- ferring to 1.1.10; but the following per’ αὐτούς points to a personal sense.

7. Σικανοί: see Holm I, 58 ff., 350 ff., and Busolt, Gr. Gesch.? I, 378 f. φαί- vovrat: presumably of written testi- mony rather than, as λέγονται, of myth- ical or poetical tradition. Cf. 1.9. 22,

13.9. Still more definitely the following’

ὡς ἀλήθεια εὑρίσκεται (this word of his- torical inquiry; seeon 1.1.11) pointstoa credible source.—évouxodpevor: Which Dion. H. 1. 22 seems also to have used of the same occurrence; to be preferred to ἐνοικησάμενοι of most Mss., whose authority in such cases is questionable. Only from οἰκίζειν, not from οἰκεῖν, are found mid. aor. forms in compounds:

ἀνοικίσασθαι 1. 58. 18, κατοικίσασθαι 2. 102.31. See App.—8. καὶ πρότεροι: even before, sc. τῶν Κυκλώπων καὶ Aat- στρυγόνων.---9. Ἴβηρες ὄντες : before these words Kr. missed, and Stein has inserted, ὕστεροι, which is clearly what Thuc. meant; but ὕστεροι would only repeat what is already contained in per’ αὐτοὺς πρῶτοι. As to the credibil- ity of Thuc.’s view of the origin of the Sicanians, see esp. Holm I, 58f., 356f., and Freeman, Hist. of Sicily I, 474 ff. --- τοῦ Σικανοῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ: the river generally called later Sucro (now Xucar) seems to be meant, not the tributary of the Iberus, Sicoris (now Segre), nor the Seine (Σηκοά- vas, Sequana). See K. Miillenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde I, 164 f.— 11. Tptvaxpla: Hom. Θρινακίη, of un- certain derivation. See Holm I, 329.— 12. τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέραν : adv. Cf. τὸ πρὸς βορέαν, 99.1. For the matter, οὗ, 1. 27 πρὸς τὰ μεσημβρινὰ καὶ ἑσπέρια and see Holm I, 59 ff. and 357 ff.—13. τὴν Σικε- λίαν: see Weidner, Parerga Dinarch. et Thuc. p. 20 (in Giefener Gymn. Progr. 1875), who considers this, as well as πρὸς τὴν Σικελίαν (14), interpolated. ἁλισκομένου : with force of pf., as

4 THUCYDIDES VI 2

9 ; A διαφυγόντες ᾿Αχαιοὺς πλοίοις ἀφικνοῦνται πρὸς THY Σικελίαν, 15 καὶ ὅμοροι τοῖς Σικανοῖς οἰκήσαντες ξύμπαντες μὲν Ἔλυμοι ἐκλήθησαν, πόλεις δ᾽ αὐτῶν "Epv€ τε καὶ Ἔγεστα. προσ- Ν 9 ~ \ 9 \ ,’ ld ξυνῴκησαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Φωκέων τινὲς τῶν ἀπὸ Τροίας τότε

~ 3 , ~ 4 9 3 3 4 A χειμῶνι ἐς Λιβύην πρῶτον, ἔπειτα ἐς Σικελίαν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς κατενεχθέντες. Σικελοὶ δ᾽ ἐξ ᾿Ιταλίας (ἐνταῦθα γὰρ @xovv)

in 1. 28. 8. GMT. 27.— 14. πρὸς τὴν Σικελίαν: cf. similar consts. 5.2.11, 65.12; 7. 80. 19.—15. ὅμοροι rots Σι- κανοῖς οἰκήσαντες : on account of the statement below (16) προσ ξυνῴκησαν xré., Steup thinks some words have fallen out here, perhaps καὶ αὐτῶν τισι ξυνοικήσαντες. He holds that with the traditional text ξύμπαντες can mean only the whole of the Trojans who came to Sicily. Better St., who says that more probably the Trojans and Sicani united are meant.—”EAvpot : for their origin, see Holm I, 86 ff. and 374f.; Freeman I, 198 ff. and 542 ff.; Busolt? I, 375 ff.— 16. ἐκλή- θησαν: (aor.) received the name. Cf. 4. 29; 1.3. 20.—"Eyeora: the form used everywhere by Thuc.; also the people ᾿Εγεσταῖοι, as in Hdt. 5. 46.5, 47.8; 7. 158. 8. In. later writers the form Alyeora also occurs. Inscriptions of the oldest coins of the city have Zey— (or Zay-), the form later adopted by the Romans. See Holm I, 90, 375; III, 598f.—mportuvwxynoav: the compound only here.—17. Φωκέων τινές : Pausa- nias (5. 25. 6) also mentions Hel- lenes τοῦ Φωκικοῦ γένους in Sicily. Holm (I, 87) and others have sug- gested that the Hellenic immigrants here mentioned were really Phocaeans, and that the mention of Phocians is due to the Phocaeans calling themselves

descendants of the Phocians (Paus. 7.3. 10; cf. Hdt. 1. 146). Scholars have even tried to find in the inscriptions of the coins of Egesta the dialect of Pho- caea (but cf. Holm III, 599f.). The immigration of Phocians seems to have been introduced here in a chapter treating otherwise exclusively of bar- barian immigrations (cf. the conclud- ing words, 1.89) and not where Hellenic settlements are mentioned, because the Phocians were not able to Hellenize the barbarians with whom they coa- lesced as second or third component. The fact that the mention of the Pho- cians occurs after the name of the whole people and the two chief places indicates that this is a side remark. To the otherwise improbable conjec- ture of W. Ridgeway (Class. Rev. II, 180 (1888)), Φρυγῶν for Φωκέων, is op- posed the fact that from the whole context it is clear that only Hellenes returning from Troy are in mind. τότε: of a time assumed as known, as 1.101.8. For the matter, cf. 4. 120. § 1.—19. κατενεχθέντες : cf. 1. 137.8; 8. 69. δ; 4. 120. 5.

Σικελοί: see Holm I, 62 ff. and 360 ff.; Busolt 2 I, 380 ff.; Freeman I, 124 ff. and 472 ff. ἐξ Ἰταλίας : the term is used by Thuc. only of the peninsula south of the river Laus and

-Metapontum. Οἱ, 1. 12.14; 7.88, 21.

THE SICELS

10 διέβησαν ἐς Σικελίαν φεύγοντες Ὄπικας, ὡς μὲν εἰκὸς καὶ λέγεται, ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν τηρήσαντες τὸν πορθμὸν κατιόντος

aA 9 , , A A \, »# 3 4 2 AN τοῦ ἀνέμου, τάχα av δὲ καὶ ἄλλως πως ἐσπλεύσαντες.. εἰσὶ

Q Q A » 9 aA: ’ὔ 4 ε 3 \ 3 δὲ καὶ νῦν ἔτι ἐν τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ Σικελοί, καὶ χώρα ἀπὸ ‘Ira-

λοῦ, βασιλέως τινὸς Σικελῶν τοὔνομα τοῦτο ἔχοντος, οὕτως 25 Ἰταλία ἐπωνομάσθη. ἐλθόντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Σικελίαν στρατὸς 5 πολὺς τούς τε Σικανοὺς κρατοῦντες μάχῃ ἀνέστειλαν πρὸς Q Ν x ¢ , 3: A 9 4 τὰ μεσημβρινὰ καὶ ἑσπέρια αὐτῆς καὶ ἀντὶ Σικανίας Σικε- λίαν τὴν νῆσον ἐποίησαν καλεῖσθαι, καὶ τὰ κράτιστα τῆς γῆς ᾧκησαν ἔχοντες, ἐπεὶ διέβησαν, ἔτη ἐγγὺς τριακόσια πρὶν Ἕλληνας ἐς Σικελίαν ἐλθεῖν ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν τὰ μέσα

--- 20. φεύγοντες "Omuxag: cf. Dion. H. 1. 22 βιασθέντες ὑπὸ Οἰνώτρων καὶ ᾽Οπι- κῶν. The reading of Vat. and other good Mss. “Omxas is hardly due to a slip of copyists, even though acc. to all later writers the form should be ᾽Οπικούς. --- as εἰκὸς καὶ λέγεται : refer- ring to διέβησαν ἐπὶ σχεδιῶν. This for- mula ws λέγεται always stands within or after the words it qualifies. Cf. 1. 24.10, 118.21; 3.79.10; 7.86.17; 8. 50. 16.— 21. τηρήσαντες : after waiting Sor. τὸν πορθμόν : i.e. the favorable time