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७४1); ee ५1 ६ 4A ८४ LS ५ y ५ न LE (५ play ५ ‹ ५५. €~“ UL ot) ye dd) ८० lady Ue च~ < ~+ ule sid, ८५ adel) Lo} न) jue SB त) ८ LYS ५८ Wye are py ५) ७ 9 119 pea ed il Raw ade ४१, AI o ude Adu o IGS), ait al ye (८) 54) चन 4b) ae gy) of ५ 1 CF plate 3) 0 7.110.111 10.01 Loy)! y ght Bi ME JG 41५41 Gusto ol) LIL JU, 1५८ ५४५. ५ 3 ५19 (1 Shadi = Goel] slog ता gliclae yo 7/9 7 1111 7/1 त 11 1 ८७ ५1 ol ५५७ = 1५2) ai] ple y abl 5; alle = (४ ay) ५८ asl
SEV 32 2 ८ ५91) Ul, ell +~ ५७ of Geel क जन Qh ad anit ali २५० ५ UL ५४ ~= ५ Jey je phi ५ Gynt ७० ala paid ५८ ५] cathe ५ HE ५ ७ SM ada} ado) ५ ve ५८. 4? ५5१०४ yl ++ als ९ gt Geel acl all y ५) ५८ ^ Gat de (2) ५ us? ८०८५ a5, UL ante ५5८५) YS pital © ५ Wd JHU) alle , (५ + MG us, ५ y) = 0 Cae ye न ८ द) eI ५५८ «५ +न) aly ५८ JU Fed WET, isl ८.4 hist? HF ५८ ट) (2 I, Shand (न) च) ८1 ५
५१ ४५४८ gil yey» SH) 52 ~
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opm well LIS; 0} न ge ८ MA EF <~ < JY 52 ४
7 क 1017111 11 pod
ud) Je) a ८७ JW ५५८ al} ;५< 451 ५४५5. ; ^< >> 9
aay ५५19; न eye Wye gle ५ lj Jo oF alli
Shyam (4193 Ney 4 eye 2 AE y Bie UNE © dare gle ७
८५५ म += ५2 (१ ll baw y म Sys ८ Gy Jail
Sate oil ७ all gue ४ JG, ५८ anil» are =)
3 छि Shay) AW Jai) ५ pale , Sule dé «2 deal)
८४; UL ay ale? ७ 22 C83 ५ sabia] , aay ५८ fl
ws Jd) 5 gels |ॐ ७) ne MS ५ us? etiale ५5 pul
६४५४५०५ 5 3) piel ee ७५24 = 5 ८५५. ‹ 9 ५.55 tomy? ५-> vst Bl pw a ५ pry ७६; ट |> ॥ of
PE UL Jel je ee Jaite yy aS yy dae gyi tase 5 bi 195 (~ (5) Jail oF pelea!) tim ud) + Jal
० 19४1 (४), ola GA), = og
al) dom) च+, । ju द ele at ५ ७ (+ uF -% ७2 (> sum ^ ) ५८. ५, ८५५ Fase 9) pus US ५) ING (+ ५९ JID ae य्, 1 all Syuy ५८; ) त 9 ७ ald नन padi York ७) Ris cians gle pla tender J), ( चन ५) oat ० न
upd yh} allie uy (5०५ ‡-^ ^ ve wg US poke Gad all cal ४ alll, fame» ञ् gle) Delle \ ५, 5 Gidley Cle Up) 255) pies Wyo) elas Fall), wd ME Col, Cpl cays! (०0) EUS Glas WW 2 ८०) +न IS al, 3,5 0 ala) 3, axle a) clo alll त eld च~.) (5 dead Sie ८. ध, 5 pe su y = षन Whe! (५) = ag) ab plu idl (= SS all wpa CaS, ८.६५ 2 ७४ (न Dust न ७० ७०) Jas}, SMa HE poll 41 USI ७ bj 9 ety (५ Sy ५] ७ ७४ Li ८.० Bs yey LIL द Logs (= pal ५5) SURI 41 Gaon Jal ety By 9 194 oF (१२) yl Fame 5 ५८ JG 149] UL ५ aisle 91.12.17 1 | 1) ५५८ ८४५५ ast i ८५; ai) Fame! ५४ orl pays oft Wm ad ५०, (~= paren Ibs) Saal, alsa: pany axle Bll) polo alll yay la] anle » ayy!) od JIM) aly 0 Il 1» 9 JAC) १ ८93 ५
पर= 911 ८५ च eo vals!) ७४ old y 4४ op pole Si Hh itd pol) ८ (न WLS) 3 dl 199 ५5 dclw + 10441 Ls us! ५19) |pile (> (151 ud) (5-८-०५ Jo} Bi Lb कि). || ? Gywl oe eth» WLS ye (6 BAD ८२ ped SS © ५२ ८/० bay HY ५४८ 7] al ol!) ८.५ Usp Ul ६५ ५5 ५८ त apie (न = toll pak yh asses) त व= ob ५८ (~ Jp y Spat
vi ८,५०.५७ y (5०५ ८5 (41) stm sls
५५५ ८९५५५०८ JU eal uy pane gilda ,५1 JG Be ८ Bae ५5 ६० ५३९५५ ७ Abs ८९८. ५ ly og ध, 1 ०५२५1 ghee ८१ >~ १८9 (५७ oll 9 9) ~ paul (5 (न ८९ y pat © ७४५ lil wry) 9 Ragen ला Sil 2, CH उ) ^ ५८ £ ५5 te a} us) ५४८] oy yee & ye Le kb 2८. ; lal} ५८ Sp SU (द ५5 ५ al tt ७ (०५) a), प ude Foe > Jy Coil) OW ५८ (५) (>~ sy (15५5 ७३ idl pies al Bi, i) Caaiy dite) Je Wye» (+ ५४ ) ot 2 plas | pam] ५८ ९ (> et yl us? Legace rede ७ pail ५९ 1] pls ५७ (१८) "५ re e NS jaas
45 pd ७] Be (कर ०४ al) ५.) ९५101 तऽ 0.81, 17 pet Jae SUL ad) ए 1 ad hy ५८ Ja ८ ५८ = Gopal] api 05(1 p55) ज ८५०४1 ५८ » pape Usyate ५३) prods! 5 poled 11; a5 5 She) ly ust ८5 ull at 1 be ५ 12) — अ~ ८ WLU) ~ Labi 4 चला व = ८ 9 UGG (Iya ot) — ont © Sy Som ५०1 ८० ५७ y Bal ५५८]; pave Joy
५५ So ७1 ८1 yh Jey! plo GL ab) aay gaily! Jo Bd ` ८० ५ OKLA म LL Ui) awl) (4 290५ pmy SL!
Gd ५5 ley!) D5 > 4053 vy
YP ७ Sim ५२.२०) ib MU, Bibel we ¢ ५५९9 ध ५७ 1m opp (= Le Illes (| AST y Goyal ae} y bs) 199 ८ [द Goyal) +) ५5 (341; Ij NST) 3) FSS == ०! il pail) + pal) + Halll ७४1) + 17 Let yleead 9 Gal 11/11 aSlyall ० Sil Tale Ne Vly क ४3 8 (1 9 Ue le) 11 sth Jr! ८5 eels) 9 esl £~} ८4141०00... uh ७ ज (४ = ७) Gopal +» ६८४ ५ al bey LL} ८०५) स] Kine gi ale Ls Cpt a ८ Cale SL) pals ° ध WS ppt hone ५5 न ७, ५४, fla! SH ०५ MU ५6 ७49 ४ CU + JG pdm UL 5 „<= SiS) crea gs WS ole dtd OSI Sy ay ll KLE L lay, SI EI (| SUL Sas ev el + ५.) ८54; ८०4) ५५ CAG, yo ay] Shiai le ५1 ७ ५१५५८ ५४०९ ५९८) ~ IG (4 ype WI) pte WI ade म ५ २०. , 1 >> yl ayy) ५ ५.००५६५ ५५५ | peel 451 ५०८ Sie ul gst lam 142») ८० 19948 ०] Sem + WI Udy) ५५ ७1903 SE Cold) ८.९ + न=) च+ ५९ (>= | ७० ५४ 9 ७ MA pele HG ॐ] 9 ५51 Zell)» ~} ० 2५.41 9 ६44] pod and) ह) 9 +=] Jeo) 03 oe pane (92 ci) (४ ५ ७) Go JU 9 LU) ~ Cs opt MLS) LUI ८८४ LU iS) 3 ०४4 Lye lyfe be LS न)
sl ८९५५ SUF ५} ७1205
day) नत क भ ८०६५०१५ ५, म ob poe ० AS pals 9 Dele] read jan) (~ 194 (1७ 259 oily ७5५ Cra] ७५); pled ८७ ^ ५) «54511 तै २५. ८२५) ५५८ edo, 2६० + ५७ =^] 9 44 BANA. 2) ०) ore ( ७119 ) 3 (८119 $9 y=! y pol SAIS ८५ ° ssl ५ ale (9 dA) + (७ Oh ude Jp nos! oe 15) ५19५ wy] we ८191 SALI oS) pte ५5) yy ७। 451 1 ale 11 11 11 Min 2d (९ ८२६८5] ud] 9 ५५ al ७ dad pS Un Spi = 8 11 sl pd JE, 2५1 171 न gem ५4 dai ८७५७५) Ba) pte ज WME ८ ५ Gel +> ad) pel जां oy Ars sly द ppb pele dd) JA ८५७४ ०), Ip pails ०५५८4 hide JU (5 ७ ८ Hey ae ५४ ५५ US JB Lead ot ood ५4 JE (ल ५ ७ JS ° 9 ud 1p ७ nT el A pal ony!) ८ ale छ, 1 क Sassi oye Slay Uadel y tits) ab aly Ua) gins Jal BCG Blew, (५ We ost eres? ८.५) (० 9 (4५०) =, ५ Uyey parle ५५
bis fal, 2 5 ola] 1० (+) — १ ८,४५1.55 (1)
* Gieke (५) J
ped slam ७1५. |, / १ has!) | 3 (44८ Wane es" | ey) 5 gst) €; (४५ ०१०५८ oy) wy ULF EY op pic (~~ ude UIE ps) ७ clad JU WI boyy Boal (201 arose? 0 ape ८2 Log Usle ५५५५ @ (०५५० ES y (र phic १५८५२५५ ५ ५५०५९) ull प) Gh += wa (~> JU
र्ते) asl Jai ५ कन ae ~>] od) EN ८५५५,
Bassey! JG Uae pele all] ७, 5 9.1 i Sin ५, ४५८; Gand y Jd BUTS) ५ ७५५९९४४५ + ME JG ५ 4] 15० Ga pte lay ७ ७७ (4 ७5 Jean ० ८५० 5 shan’) (5 (५८ ८ ५19 ०८० 5 त ७५ 9 dank 3] 1 9195 adh cry ME = ob ‰ peel Vall, ५८ ५७ ME (= ft Ged J) ade 1,04 ७) oly) cle pall <]; 19 9 SUB) ५८ ७४ Crom 9 ५ (9 lr ge” ye ५०29 += (ना ५9 (4 ८ dan dle udl goes Jal = ५०८५9) इ diy ) 83199] APL पि 11 8 च dh 0 uk line ie ६4 ५45 » ० प Led ७ gill 019 © (द peal yl Sal Ul + o १६५२) ८5 Py ८.9 Sy + Jae 1 Hl) 9“ ७९, pe 41 LSS Ip Sy epg 4 1०५) coy ati) 24
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vo ५४९ on dl ७५); Sys
(९9>] (~) (८५ Jo) le edad HY op pte y ao) pd (5 1 ० SAL us pe Line 102 oly ५) parle Lib, hail) ८ 3 Vill ages ७ Gite ale 4 Ite’ ell etic Jay 9 cluall aye च Bley Conall ८. 22 Blind, ७) dasa) १५५9 pl aed JU, 3 ५ ale glial 09) pple ५.४. dy (13 ५९; id) (29७ oles Jia | TI ४५५ ५5 ५५ ८० (^ JA) ७४१५ lat op Bye 3 mde» HF abe ७४६ ५८ ७) ५911 ५९ ME dl ale ८. (न JUL prada; a 5 platy (०५ Laser pit ६५४४०24 ८०४. Py pres Jal Bid) वतत (1. 4 ale 13) 9 ९ pel be ५७, 0S ud) wld Bis y shabe 5 ७ ए 1913 10४ ७ ny Dae! += acl ७४२11 ५१५ (०४५ padi] a5 asst ७1 ५ lad gal, 599) Well 9 pad 05] (०6 10140 9 (थ) ) ७४ (५5 lai els], role id) Us IS (~ 5 potter 10) Lassi 9 [न Fame RM) yo IB (6 ayaa ५८ 11 स peel (५ ५८५ ३ ‰ 9 त=) MA JU ayy! me ad} < भ्म ५ (~ Ys), Spt] ld gle Ll UO SS ५ 9 wt) 9 ४५ ५ 5 19 Ete!) ob asl udm ५०८ Unrest ~ ५ ९ (+ ८ ५ ५०५ Le ROI) tel ४
^ (~+ (७) ¢ -- shel (७) ~ — <) (७)! — eral (७)।
way, Sue Joe ~ ५१ 1 (न 19 4 9014 (४ Bare gil SU (4 ७०5, gli let Qa te, uid Fame yl JUG sly] ८ DE JG ८०८ pew ८७ sll © 3) (० ७५ pa day ७७ ५५७१८ sel > ed ४ SU ae al (> Tone oi) (४ ald ८०८०८) (५५ ८०५०; त + pd ८५ Cita tay ७2 92491 ५९ 112 SES Pure Boats a! Ss «+ us? hac y ty) Kaye ‰ day ede, a Wy Fone y! SE Gib op wlio JU ale ps ५ 09 ८172 ८० ५ ल o Ja २६ fendi 1०५३९. क) React? 51 ७] 04) ५5579 ५२४ oll ५८ ४5919 URI jlo ude 19 10५1 न्यं AU) ७ स, 1 1 01.1.11 phd celia) be aly! op ४४ 1) JU ८५1 aa (= 8059 <= ८४५ (4) ru ८54); iy 8D (० र| ४“ srs us tel Sox BS ७] AU Gel bo Vy dle OS) copa ५८ 12491 ५ gly? ddl y SG = Bre (6५ ors pur ८६ 9 Adlgil tia Sends gle क 7/1 71 । Vy ॐ aul ple ८ (~) 9 411) JR dae’ (+ ari WS bye yds ad (~ ad) Sy ol ul gle? €. ¢; (54०1 0 111 7१011111 1 (2 भु AG ye Jos’ py! pate 9) 9,12.7:
Bly Is (५७))
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९; ~+] ५५ pst ८ Bel ८. १५ ७९० भ्म of Ul of as ० Pag ty? ee? opts पा + pt EAS त “~ Sy jp ot dp) oS pay!) AFL ole) gi Rae, Anal) woe Peds opal ८७ \give lane | 2 1 1 श, | +.
21 — JE ५४) oF (५० ut at ( ७)।
७1५४ | ८० yloyy Gr VA ar! J! ash Ps 12491 opt yy? ad) ayy] <, Je += (१८१9 ७ y ५2 ५ 5 ७09 yh, tlio, 5 + ५ ple as) prt 112 (~ १ ५? 294.” Aries} ) dul) ude 2.4. ela) gle amy (९ ८०४ pple (<> (~ is agate ७] 2) days ८ Most sy Ge pla) nla ७४ ८७ ab , Ott Jem 9 ५० Hagel 66 ST de ete ४५८ plall ८७ alesse भ 20 awl) gle = y loys ule y medi chy spd ५ dala ७ pole क 9 etl ८५ ५ Ly po Jas whew! dl pele gta!) = += Hiab aLeln ५ (<) id} yloyy rbd WL (न Cll say ८ +] bin, ost oli ४५ (५ ay; us! ier 9) Jape yl (०, SUL ८४] ct) ८६ ७ (95 al (5 yr Guat leo +“ 98 ५७ ८४1 pian (५) — cry) प 9-40-० J ddl eS pe eae 15) call eal) UI ea 15१ (95५ + aba ८ tas वा (७.४. heyy C83 pau Ui ale) MI
9] ५५ ९ ५४ el cal ५४ RUE) FNS Coal) ५? ed Gad ७ कण ol ५५ ७. ude pil) Jas ७ lor ८. chad yell gle 1111111 1 bi y JU ४५];> pol y ®=) ५ 9 ४] = 19 ७९; ५५८ athe ^ boyd dle
Spl 7०9 iS) Aa] (~र y ay JI ५ Cen lal 9 ० ८.० ppd] 9 0 ९१९५ Bie uses! (>> Wyle ces Nye yl gd ५1 am 5 (न am y (> 1 6
v4 JAS) Sky) yu Was ५८ cle Jd» 1 112 5 y ७9) wl td) Maa 9 ८७ ie copie Ip sob) Flood ८ 3१5 GIN Sat iS ५५ ट, 3 ] ४४ ४८ > ८ ८2 prim (न (~ copays ०८८ ४६ ८० ^. os Sine & wr J) » pes ws | Jatt) ; ctl wey 5 poy ००७ 720 ४५८ LMS pend they g pail ८ 112 ५5} ७1०); day) ० ०० 94४ ७1419 up) ५८ त= SL ye als by 1५७ ह+ gli ae) (५) (५ 9 slid wold 2 lel ह~ 2 HA NG ५४ ७५ Joys ५ ple 96 Gt us ass yrs ७८९ yd ad pes) py!) cob LL Linky poy | (जर न Spay oll 3 1 ०७ cally yale 5 ५५19, 109 3 न= +) plied Haul Ind ८० 9 ply agle all च 10])) 9 + OS cll 12 oli 12 17 load NG op! ५1 जौ१थ ~ 5 Bilas’) Jal StbI + ७2 ally च < (~< +^ ५४ wad भर ५५1 ie Ol pile eof ९ £ ral ८०० ८१८9 (39 वनारी WME yl, ९ all ८5 ; pre UW, ७ ३५ ude lyf pull Sra ८ pall त} Sper VC gm १] ७७ 5 11.14 (८० ७४७७ fl) ०१] 19149 Nery 1959 dre 1 9 40 ll [न तठ 0 Aine, pal oe eel ८1 ol ods! ८५८ ud pel Joys SY NS agle (४46 Gla ८.24 y oleae] ८० (७ ५ al,
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P.4 1, 6 pro Yayé lege रेक | 2, 28 1.6] pro Rabfyah b
१8 99 99 20 45 er ” mG 'Admir lege Rabiyah b » 5 9 9 9१ ५929 ११ «^> 95 १.४.77 » 6 4, 9 ws (=>)»=॥ ११ ws? Lj gee | (+~ 4 Juan 58 6 10 yy ails &ols +» 31,,12 ,, atthe battle® + in the + १, 33), 30 ,,waskilledat* ,, died in the ५ | 0 Dhoo oP Dzoo 99 454,10 4, Bani a Banat yy 11 ,,11 y, heap ध nie) +» 51 ,,13-4,, was killed at _ ४२ ‘ the battle of ,, died in the » 134,30 ,, SVE ,, Bal , 62,, 3 ,, जण ,, Ismail
99 20 »? 7 99 at Ta’aoon* 99 in the Ta’ च ” 80 ” 2 ” i प 99 veo aoon &c, | +, 91 ,, 19 5, Jisha 7 1६ 99 23 99 31 99 Osanlis 99 08780188 99 109 ” 20 ” Nai 9”? Naf'i
* I am quite prepared to admit that my ignorance in having mistaken the word T&’ooon “‘ a plague’’ for a proper name, 18 inexcusable, and that Iam deserving of punishment for gross carelessness. I would state—thouzh I do not advance it as any apology—that I was led into the error, by finding the death of Companions by the fatal disease which took pluce at ’Amwas, 80 frequently chronicled as having occurred at some one of the numerous engagements which took place in Syria, carelessly not observing the change of the word méta for qotilu. For instance, such passages as the following are common in Bivg. Dicts. ‘‘ Some say he was killed at Ajnddaiu, others at Marj Coffar, others at Yarmook, and some say that he died in the Taooon ’Amwis.””
+ Having found the plan I originally adopted of expressing ट. by the letter a with an apostrophe before it—untenable, I have sacrificed uniformity to correctness. 1 would take this opportunity of expressing my surprise that the learned Societies of Europe havo not, ere this, combined to approve of, and adopt {7 all their publications, one uniforin system of romanising Oriental Characters. A system once laid down under such auspices would soon become the universal law.
( 1850 )
phrase, which has since become a proverb, to the effect that, every tall man, except Omar, was an fool ; and every diminutive man, except ’Alyf, was 8 knave. They add that ’Omar was always humbly clad, and that it was his wont to walk the streets : but though they do not mention that he did 80 with a whip in his hand, it is stated by many that he was the first who ihtroduced its use. His food, it would appear, was always simple, but it is related, that after the year of famine (% ole J] pic ) viz. A. प्र. 18, the same in which the great plague at ’Amwas occurred,—he confined himself to that of the very poorest description, substituting the use of olive oil for that of prepared butter. To this many good authors attribute the change of his color from fair to a dark or sallow hue. Wagidi (apud Nawawi p. 460) says +] pdl ८6 por ७) Uste 32 9 # ४५५१०) |] alc [ PES of yi] ४ I wx yl To relate the various cir- cumstances worthy of note having reference to "Omar, that occur- red during his Khalifat would occupy a small volume. There is one, point, however, I cannot conclude this note without alluding to. The reader may feel mclined to accuse him of having removed Khalid from his Command, to gratify a private feeling of animosity. It is true, that "Omar was highly indignant with him for the manner in which he conducted himself in Yamamah ; and accused him, amongst other things, of having put Malik b. Nowairah to death, simply that he might possess himself of his wife: but ’Omar was allowed by all to have been a man of strict religous principles, great justness, and perfect uprightness and integrity of character. I would therefore hesitatingly come to a conclusion so damaging to his good name. He was declared Khalifah the day Aboo Bakr died, and was the first who was addressed by the title of Amir al-Mawminin. He governed about ten years and a half, but regarding the exact date of his death their are very many opinions. That he should never forget the ^ Common Lot” it is stated, that he had the following motto inscribed on his ring. “ 4 is sufficient for you, 0 ’Omar, that you should ever beware of Death.”
Page 192, line 11. £ | ^ wx Y_This passage I have dis- covered since the text was printed is an extract from the Qorin—See
Soorah Marsalat, J. 29, r. 21.
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following moming ‘he gave the marriage breakfast’ ( ^ । ) and they had
not finished eating before [the enemy] were upon them, and the battle began. Khilid was [soon] killed, and Omm Hakim putting on his clothes proceeded, and the signs of deep distress were evident upon her, to the banks of a stream where they were fighting. She engaged in the battle, and killed on that day seven Romans with the pole of the very tent in which Khalid had passed the night with her.” I cannot help remarking that in the many instances in which it is related women fought, they almost invariably appear to have used as weapons, tent poles. I therefore feel inclined to surmise that one or two occurrences of this nature have been made to do duty on several occasions.
Page 191, line 6. £ | Spud) ols?) JU—This passage,—per- haps one of the most important in the whole work,—has been discussed in the preface, pp. 17-18. I would note that our author has departed from the truth in saying there was no difference of opinion regarding "Omar's age on his assuming the reins of Government. His statement is probably founded on a calculation, and does not appear to be far wrong. The great epoch immediately prior to the Hijrah from which most circumstances were counted, was the “ Year of the Elephant,” i. ९. that in which the hosts of Abrahah, the Ethiopian king, were destroyed. Most authors agree in stat- ing that Mohammad was born in the same year that this event occurred, and Aboo Bakr three, and ’Omar thirteen years after. Calculations made on this data would make ’Omar’s age on his accession, to have been fifty-two years and six months.
Ibid, line 15. ५ ए ¬ 9-@0£& 8. al-Tawbah, J. 10, 1. 13.
Ibid £ हि न्यः 85 Le | us? ५८ 3—All the points here mentioned are precepts to be found laid down in Ahddith. The sketch our author has given of ’Omar’s general character and habits, agrees in the main with what is stated of him by good authorities. They say that he was left- handed, very tall, and bald. Regarding his height the Arabs had a
* To give the walfmah, or breakfast after the consummation of the marriage is sonnat, “ Awlim wa law bi-shdtin,” said the Prophet. But commentators disagree, it being considered by some, Mostahabd, and by others, Wdjib.
Q
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it 18 most probable that he has not omitted noticing it—though एल haps under a different name. If so, however, his account of it is not sufficiently in unison with that of any other writer to enable me to assist the reader. A true return of the chief Companions killed in each battle, might help us in a case of this kind ; but unfortunately the discrepancies of authors on this point are very great. With regard to the battle of Marj al-Coffar Aboo Isma’iil says it was fought on the 17th of Jomadi
al-Akhirah, or four days prior to the death of Aboo Bakr, and that the Moshm Division was commanded by Khalid b al-Walid. Ibn Ishaq makes Marj al-Coffar one of the first engagements which took place in Syria, Khahd b al-Walid being at the time in Iraq: and states that Khalid b S’aid b al-’Adg commanded. Saif is of opinion that the battle was fought by Khalid b al-Walid, almost immediately after he reached Damascus from "Iraq. Ibn Shabbah’s account coincides pretty well with that of Ibn Ishaq. Aboo Ismi/ifl’s History being the best I know, I generally give his version in such cases the preference. It is most probable that what is here called the battle of Palestine, is what Ibn Ish&q and Ibn Shabbah have called the battle of Marj al- Coffar, in stating which, they have both, I think, fallen into error.
$
Page 187, line 20. > ( ४1; -- 0 Hakim was the daughter
of al-Harth b Hish4m b Moghaiyarah al-Makhzoomi, and wife of "Ikrimah b Abi वभा], She was present at the battle of Ohad on the side of the infidels, and professed the faith on the taking of Makkah. She afterwards went with the army to Syria where "Iqrimah was killed. [See note p. 16, 1. 8.] Khalid b S’aid ४ al-’Aag then married her. 115 related by Ibn ’Abd al-Barr that “ Khélid wished to go in unto her [on the eve] of the battle of Marj al-Coffar, but she replied ‘if you wait until God has put this body [of the enemy] to flight, it will be well.” «I would,’ said Khalid, ‘had I not a presentiment that I shall be killed.’ ‘Then be it as you please,’ replied the lady. The ceremony of the “Ors was then performed near a certain bridge which on this account became
remarkable, and was ever afterwards called Omm Hakim’s bridge. The
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Page 176, line 6. ४५ ५/२ baa) |—This personage is unknown to me.
Ibid, line 9. > 2)]—Notwithstanding our author has given us
both the Arabic and Roman designation of this hill, I cannot identify it. Since it is mentioned, however, as simply intercepting the Moslim’s view, and that on reaching the top, they looked down into the valley below, it would not appear to have been one of great magnitude. As Marj Dibéj was a plain or meadow not far from Missisah, which I take to be the place styled Messis by modern Geographers, the position of this hill, if such a one exists, is sufficiently well defined.
Page 177, line 15, dja (५/२ न+ know of no Companion or Tab’ai of this name. The reading moreover in the Kénpoor copy will not serve our purpose better, for although there was a Companion of the name—Khilid b. S’aid’s brother, Hakam, being so re-named by the Prophet,—with due respect for the opinion of Aboo Isma’il and others, I think it very doubtful whether he (4akam) was present at all in this campaign. Al-Zobair b. Bakkar says he became a martyr at the battle of Badr ; Ibn Ishak states that he met his death at Mawtah, and Kha- भि) (apud Icabah) and Aboo M’ashar (apwd Isti’aab) say that he was killed at Yam&mah.
Page 178 line 7. | MIS ;--0 the preceding page it will
have been observed that Dhirdr is said to have taken the lead, and not Khalid, who on the contrary it is stated brought up the rear.
Page 181, line 20, gp!) ५५] > ( 5५ --8९९ note page 160, line 17.
Page 187 line 10.) (gl Ly 5—Qoréin, 8. al-Qigag, J. 20, 1. 10.
Ibid, line 19. १] Ey*—At this place it is proper to note that an engagement took place between the Moslims and Romans. As our
author has given us a much fuller account of the Campaign than other writers, and recorded many skirmishes and fights not mentioned by them
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seen his own head cut off, and he himself running after it; but this the Prophet said was of the species mentioned above, which it may be added are sent by the Devil, while the others are sent by God, yy!l ७५५५-२ ८ (= ; all ८ दा [a Hadith of Aboo Qatadah apud Bokhari.) On having a bad dream Moslims are instructed by their Prophet to spit over the left shoulder and say “ N’aoodzo B’Illahi min-ho.” The Arabs it would appear not only placed great faith in dreams but were very fond of relating them. I should not be surprised, then, if many of the stories,—particularly those that savour of the very marvellous, or very ridiculous,—which are related regard- ing matters said to have occurred in the beginning of Islam, were nothing more than dreams. One of the latter of these, ४, e. a dream, I cannot refrain from noticing. “It is related by Ibn Ishq,” says Ibn ५ Hajar in his Maghdzt, ( ८४८ ८५ ds) 3) that he [ Tofail b ’Amr] in the reign of Aboo Bakr saw, [as it were] his head, that it was shaved, and [lo] a bird issued out of his mouth ; while a woman took him, and putting him into her mouth ॥ ~ vs? ५५15 ५] [ was about to swallow him:] and although his son tried all in his power to save him, he was unable to do so. This dream he interpreted as follows :— The shaving portended the amputation of his head ; the bird was his soul ; the woman, the earth in which he should be buried ; and the remain- der signified that his son should seek martyrdom and not [then at least] find it.” ‘This occurred it is mentioned immediately hefore the battle of Yamamah. It is perhaps superfluous to add that subsequent occurrences verified the interpretation.
Page 175, line 2. ५१) ys? eel —This phrase is not original, it was first spoken by ’Aly{ and afterwards very generally used. See Taisir ol-Wogool, Calcutta Edition, page 434.
Ibid, line 21. wi pbb of Ty —I have never met a name in any way similar to this. It might be intended to represent Farwah b. Logait. See Aboo Ismia'ifl’s Fotooh, pp. 125, 131.
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to rest satisfied with adding the following truism, an Arab’s stand-by in all such cases, viz., ^ God knows best.”
Page 172, line 14. ps} .—Al-Lokém (Mt. Amanus) 15 the name given to the chain of Mountains which runs above Antioch to the North-East.
Page 173, line 5. 5 paw 3 52 )9au—This passage is, I should say, incorrect. In the Tarikh MHoshaibari it is written as follows viz. :
Be yaw 9) Bde ५.5 (4 yw! which is an equally improbable reading.
Were it ‘aye 3) Bo ) yaw us’ we might let it stand, for Sooriyah, besides being a name for the whole of Syria, is by some Arabian geogra- phers said to have been also the name of a place near Aleppo. They say also that there was a place in Syria called Sorroyyah, the exact position of which I cannot, however, determine.
Ibid, line 18. yx Vd 9 worl) las 1,—T am inclined to think that the Moslims had a set phrase, which it would be proper for an orthodox follower of the Prophet to use on occasions similar to that mentioned in the text. Al-Bokhar{ gives us a Hadith of Ibn ’Omar, in which it is stated that the Prophet, when any of his Companions said they
had seen a vision or had a dream, was wont to reply b> 3. al] sli Le It may not be amiss here to mention that the Moslims placed very great faith in dreams, for which moreover they have the authority of their Prophet. His dreams were, it is to be assumed, for the most part revelations. He says, however, regarding those of others,—that good
dreams ( iL] ५211 ) & ९. the contrary of bad or horrible dreams, or the nightmare, ( ® Ya) ५८०१-०] - ds! |) are the forty-sixth part of pro-
phecy, 8. ९. they differ from prophecy in that degree : and again Aboo Horairah relates that ^ the Prophet said ‘all that remains now of pro- phecy is glad tidings.’ And what are glad tidings? said they [his Com- panions] ‘Glad tidings’ said he ‘are good dreams’”—We have many dreams given us by the Canons both of Mohammad and his Companions, and some of them strange enough. One man said he dreamt that he had
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Syria abounds, would very probably be set down by Mohammadaus for tombs. Page 171, line 5. —S\=}__Both एषाः b. Hisén, and *Obid
b S’aid which occurs a few lines lower down, are unknown to me.
Ibid, line 16. fae |—al- Mohajjah signifies the centre of a road.
Page 172, line 5. 249५४ , L4>—Jabalah (Gibili) and Lédzigfyah (Latakia or Laodicea,—not the capital of Phrygia) two seaports between Banias and the mouth of the River Aasi, will be found on all Maps. With reference to the pursuit of the fugitives from Damascus by Khalid, it is advisable to note that no mention is made of it by other writers whose accounts are at present available to us. The extent of the journey and difficulty of the way would render the task—admitting it to have been accomplished—one of the most remarkable feats on record, as the time allowed for it—although I cannot accurately compute it— could not have been very long. The distance from Damascus to where it is stated Kh4lid came up with the fugitives, could not possibly have been less than 250 geographical miles, and the country to be passed over certainly not less difficult than our author has represented it. Aboo [भादा], states (p. 96) that after the fall of the Capital, Khélid was dispatched to intercept an army which had assembled at B’alabakka, and not reaching with sufficient celerity to accomplish this duty—and being un- willing I suppose to return empty-handed—he plundered and devastated the surrounding country. Now whether this fact has furnished sufficient grounds for our author whereon to found the romantic tale, with its various details, he has given us, I would not venture to assert. It is more probable however, I think, that his narrative, as far as these affairs are concerned, és founded on certain facts, which may have occurred, at a differ- ent time, either in Spain or elsewhere ; or it might be that the story was imported, and confusedly mixed up by some other writer—wilfully or ignorantly—with the account of the Syrian campaign. I should not despair of verifying this assertion, but I regret want of leisure compels me
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another also of Jorair b. ’Abd Allah Ups | cay y ८9 als} emp y and in the following of a son of ’Amr b. al-’Aac the instructions to be merciful, are very distinctly and clearly laid down prle al] Sou) Jb
ws? of +~ Us)! us? os? lye, | ५५५ all] geo? wml } ८० ५४ AUT ale, Vales ८. ८) ८. diet pa) sla igs 41] 44; (९9 Whether the Moslims invariably carried out the
precepts inculcated in these orders or not, I would not undertake to say.
Page 167, line 21. ys ee | s—Qordn 8. al-Nisda, J. 5, r. 16.
Page 168, line 6. gi) l ५९ rat) ls—Withilah, a Companion, and according to al-Wagidi, the last of them who died (A. H. 85) at Damascus, was, says Aboo Hitim, (apud Ic4bah) present both at the taking of Damascus and Hime ; he served also in all the other subse- quent engagements of the Syrian campaign. Of the authorities mentioned in the first portion of the sanad I can say nothing.
Page 171, line 3. \ke—’ Ogdb is a word of many significations, Here it means most probably a “rising ground”; the word also may mean, however, “a large stone jutting out of a hill.” For the words admds and armas, I find no very appropriate meanings. In the Tarfkh of Hoshaibari the first is written pled which most probably would be the more correct reading, as I do not find plo! at all. Dimds signifies something that conceals or hides a person. It is a derivative of dams or doms, which signifies darkness, and hence a prison of Hajjéh b Yoosof was styled al-Dimds (psd) ) in allusion to its darkness. A possible, though I would not say probable, reading might be ८८६०५ « sandy ground”. Armds, the plural of rams, means simply “burial grounds”, and it is not improbable that admés (if dams makes such a plural) has the same meaning, or at least is taken in the same sense here, for al-Jawhari says Cc) Wo wed ४०५५) Nas 3 SLA 9 ५५५०७ All the ancient and ruined buildings, with the several mounds and other heaps of antiquity in which
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Page 165, line 10. bala! |—_Halgah more specifically means a coat of mail, in allusion I suppose to the rings of which it was usually formed. Our author’s interpretation of the word, however, is not incorrect, as in its more extended application it may signify “arms.” I observe however that in a treaty or agreement of the Prophet, with Okaidir the Chief of
Dawmat al Jandal he has used both words, ds” Sas ५५ Jur WS)» Jude!) Leys 65 alll Cine Seis! ८ ५८ we plied] 43) Sel 9 ५5०५ ; pel y (=< pe 25 <] ८ pen : Teles ial wt ८ 9 SE ७ Hilal Wy ctu) ; dls!) , I] Gle ba I, Gols say 9 , ^~) (1५ J spar] 9 AU) ange Ny ^ Mga! SEH) pigs 5 YU २1] wrth (wero) ८1; ) ५५८५. Page 166, line 5. | \% + (णद 8. Hood, J. 12, r. 10. Ibid, line 21. (~शु, |.) 03 j—Zaid b. Zarif is unknown to me. Page 167, line9. (38 ^&.>< ५ (7 le_If the statement made by our author at p. 160, viz. that the Moslims entered Da- mascus on the 21st of Jomédi al-Akhfrah—were correct, that here
advanced regarding the death of the Khalffah would not be far wrong Aboo Bakr died either on the 215४ or 22nd of Jom&di al-Akhirah but which of the two dates is the more accurate I would not undertake to say, as good authors are not very well agreed on the point.
Ibid, line 10 ५ 5५ | yolks ५/2 dshe_ This name is written as in the text in both MSS, and the Térikh Hoshaibari ; [have no
doubt however that it is incorrect.
164, line 21 em ) ८ (~>, | 9--लट are several Ha- dith the import of which are similar to that of the passage in the text. The following is one of Aboo Horairah, which is probably that which is here intended to be given. or ) >> ) ५० We have
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made the air ring with shouts of “ Alldho Akbar /”—the signal or watch- word for those without, who immediately rushed into the city, sword in hand ; and—thus fell, according to Saif, the capital of Syria. Though our author might have taken something from all of these accounts, none of them would appear to have formed the basis of his narrative. We must not conclude that he was ignorant of any of them for the contrary is most probable, (see text p. 191, 1. 6, & &c.) He therefore, may have rejected them, and given the preference to the version of Wagidi, without however following him closely in his details or adopt- ing his dates. Of Wagqidi’s History, if we except a few isolated facts —chiefly chronological,—TI find nothing extant : and for Ibn Ish4q’s ac- count, brief as it is, we have no sanad: while that of Saif b. Omar is given on the authority of a sanad which—in common with almost all of that author’s—appears to be m’odhal, and must therefore be accepted with caution. Under these circumstances it is necessary, for the present, to give the preference to the version of Aboo Ism(iil.
Page 162, line 3. eye 2....4+5- (1191 is, the Church of the Virgin Mary. It was one of the largest in Damascus, and was afterwards plundered and set on fire by the Moslims, in the year A. H. 312 1,3 9) 2) (६०५ ८११५] yw (Pip ६“ , cin: ) Kind) grr ५.45; RB gy edd ly) ro 14; ~~ FS 6 , ey? ++
( + >= ) (~=
Page 163, line 7, 8] KG |,— Wa thakala Ommdh, i.e. Alas, my mother has become childless ;—This phrase is commonly used as an im- precation and in a bad sense. More common forms of expression are, La, aU) 44} — ae} AUG and Ko} SUG « May God deprive her of her son,” ^ May his mother be deprived of him,” & :—See line 18 infra. The following, which I extract from the Gharéib AAAdith is a Hadith of M’oawiyah b al Hakam al-Solami in which the phrase is used
as in the text, >) Urbs ५। pre BU] Jou) ee isle |G) (+> Ss pes Le yle] P
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it by storm. He also alludes to the disagreement between the Com- manders which is here mentioned. Neither of these circumstances, however, appear to have been noticed by Ibn Ishaq, nor Saif b. "Omar, but the former historian’s account of the fall of the Capital,—the event we may say of the campaign,—as preserved to usin Zabar{’s work, is so absurdly brief, that I may here insert it without much transgressing the limits of these notes. He says,—“ The Romans and Moslims met in the
neighbourhood of Damascus ( (3“*d Jy Le ५.55 ) and a fierce encounter ensued; but finally God dispersed the Romans: (not however before) the Moslims had suffered somewhat from them. ( pylons echo we] ; > ) The Romans then retired within (the walls of) Damascus, and closed (the city) gates, while the Moslims sat down before it, and pressed the siege with vigour and vigilance T ( lybul ) until Damascus fell and (the inhabitants) paid the tribute :” Our author therefore is not much indebted to Ibn Ishaq. Nor yet to Saif b. "Omar, whose accouut differs from all others that I am acquainted with. According to him, Khalid made rope-ladders, and taking with him al-Q’aq’a b. "Amr, Madz’ooor b. ’Adi, and a party of men, at night he passed over the ditch (in which it appears there was much water) by means of inflated skins.{ Al-Q’aq’a and Madz’ooor then first scaled the walls, and having fixed numerous ladders for the rest, they effected an entrance. ‘This done, they soon overpowered the guards at the nearest gate, and having cut the fastenings with their swords, they
* Moslemi captivos nonnullos abduxerunt (Kosegarten.)
† See Qoran and Comtry, S. Al-’Imran J. 4, 7. 11.
‡ The word used in the original is 3 the plural of b 5 which is more properly a water bottle, and much too small to be used in the manner mentioned in the text. The skins used were probably similar to those to be found represented in the sculptures of Namrood (see Layard. ) These are, however, matters regarding which other than local writers make such blunders that the least said about them the better. The skins used now for crossing rivers are most likely similar to those used centuries ago.
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suddenly caught him in his arms, (and thus saved him.) The next morning he went to Aboo Bakr and said to him, ‘I will follow Mokam- mad ; for verily he is the Messenger of 6०१. He then embraced the Faith, but on intelligence of it reaching his father, he became so enraged that he denied him food, and forbade his brothers to speak with him.” Ibn ’Abd al-Barr, on the authority of Ibrahim b. ’Ogqbah, says that Khiélid b. S’afd was the first Moslim who ever wrote the words “ Bism Mah al-Rahmén al-Rahim.” As to where he met his death, further than that it was in the Syrian campaign, authors do not appear to know ; at least I conclude so, as their statements regarding the circumstance are rather conflicting. Ibn Ishiq and al-Zobafr b. Bakkér state that he met his death at the battle of Marj al-Coffar ; while others say he was
$ killed at Ajnddain, and Ibn Qotaibah (Kitab al-M’aérif, p- 151,) says he became a martyr at th® battle of al-Yarmook.—See Note p. 35, 1, 1.
Page 161, line 4. £ | ४५५८ ७८ ;- 13 passage appears somewhat defective, yet with the exception of the words wa ghaira-ho which appear only in one copy, it is written as in the text, in all three MSS. To express “he believed” by the phrase kéna ’inda-ho, is by no means uncommon; but I have never before met a passage in which this phrase was made to serve, in a double sense, for two distinct members of a sen- tence.
Ibid, line 13. wy up ५१५५-० 3) ४५2 of ५ एण these two names I would substitute Usd? 7 ye ५.० 9) ++ op Sal A careless Katib would be very likely to write Mas’oood for Madz’ooor, —See Note infra, p. 162, 1. 3.
Page 162, line 3. £ । हि ॥ (२.५ 3-—Aboo Ismi'iil’s_ version of the fall of Damascus is in one or two particulars slightly similar to that of our author. He relates,—though very briefly,—that Kh4lid and Aboo ’Obaidah entered the city simultaneously, the former by the Eastern gate forcibly, and the latter by the Jdbiyah gate, peaceably,—or in other words, that the city had surrendered to Aboo ’Obaidah, while Khalid, in ignorance of the fact, had assaulted and taken -
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feel bound to notice them whenever opportunity offers. That given in the text might possibly run as follows: yl of ५५५11५4 5 ५ ० भ] ७ ge MM += Col ८ Me on (1 ८ (= pt With the dates of the death of either "Abd al-Hamid, or Anas, I am unacquainted, yet I know that the former took Hadith from Hamad b. Abf Solaim&n, who died A. H. 120 ; and further that Anas, with his two brothers, Naf’i, and Rabf’i, took them from their father Malik. We also know that Anas’ son, Maélik,—the well-known Doctor and author of the Mowaéti, with whom it is not improbable ’Abd al-Hamid may have been contemporary,—died A. H.179. To him al-Bokhari pays the following high compliment, which it may be important to remember :—“ The most accurate of all riwaiyats,” says the Canon, “are those of Malik b. Anas, on the authority of Nafi” [a mawlda of, the Khalifah ’Omar] Although the sanad I have given might be a possible one, I am afraid it +g not that which is intended to be given. ‘The Anas included in it was not—if at the time born—present in these wars, and no mention is to be found of his father. I have no doubt, therefore, that the two Anases, £ €. the father of the Divine and the matold of ’Omar, both of whose fathers were named Malik, have been confounded. Anas the mavld was present during a portion at least of the campaign. (See text p- 3, and Aboo Ismaiil’s Fotooh, pp. 6, 10.) The sanad should therefore cease with him, as it is absurd carrying it on to his father, who was not an eye-witness of the things related. A similar or most likely the same sanad will be found at p. 181, 1. 20, and vol. i. p. 178, 1. 8.
Page 161 line 1. 4m Uf ५. -- With reference to the error our author has committed in stating that Khalid b S’aid was the half-brother of ‘Amr bal-’Aac, २. ९. the Egyptian General, the reader may refer to note ए. 32, 1. 13 Khalid was one of the earliest of the Arabs who professed Islém, and a somewhat remarkable story is related regarding his conversion “Ttis stated”—I translate from the Ist{’a4b—“ that he had a dream in
which he beheld himself on the brink of a fiery pit, ( oh (१६८८५ ue ) into which his father was on the point of thrusting him, when the Prophet,
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tells us, and I have no good reason to question his statement, that the siege of Damascus (by which I assume he means the second blockade) lasted six months. And we know that a very considerable time must have elapsed before the arrival with the Syrian army of Khilid b. al-Walid; as when first it marched from Mad{nah, he was in al-Yamé- mah, and he subsequently performed exploits in "Iraq that could not have been the work of a day. We must also remember that Arabian historians, while carefully, and frequently at very considerable length, relating many personal anecdotes and other circumstances, which would be very suitable, or it might be valuable, in Biography, but which have no historical worth, are otherwise singularly brief; and indeed too often altogether omit chronicling any but great events. I would therefore cautiously accept statements in which great victories or other remarkable events, are said to have taken place within a very short period of time; and, for these and many other reasons,—independant of the testimony of older and better historians,—I would presume that the date of the fall of Damascus mentioned in the text, must be inaccurate. Our author, it appears from the passage which immediately follows the statement here noticed, and others to be found in this work, was not ignorant of the contents of the works of Ibn Ishaq and other Historians, his prede- cessors, who wrote accounts of these wars.*
Page 160, line 17. £ des Jane igd>,.—From a comparison of the same sanad which is given at p. 162, 1. 10, the reader will observe the mutilation it has undergone at the hands of the several copyists of the three MSS upon which the text is founded. I have added the names between brackets simply to preserve uniformity ; for to render myself responsible for the correctness of any of the isndd in this work, or indeed to attempt correction, further than by giving the read- ing of one MS. the preference over that of the other, would be rash. These records however when correct, are most valuable, and I therefore
* See Preface, pp. 16, 17, 18,
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Page 158, line 7. 19301 —Qoran 3. Banf Israifl, J. 15, 7. 4.
Page 159, line 3. £ ४२2 gp) १० ८6) j3—On reference to page 113, the reader will observe it has been there stated that five of the individuals here mentioned viz., Salmah b. Hishfim N’afin b. ’Adf, Hisham b. al-’Aag, Habbar b. Sofyan, and ’Abd Allah b. ’Amr, were killed at the battle of Ajnidain. The only method by which I can ac- count for such conflicting statements, is by assuming that our author has confusedly mixed up the narratives of two separate historians.
Page 159, line 18. £। 242 | dm.—’Ogbah I do not know, but Cafwan (a Tab’ai) was considered a trustworthy authority. He took Hadith from ’Abd Allah b. Bishr al-Mézn{, Jobair b. Nofair (the father of the ’Abd al-Rahm4n here mentioned) Kh4lid b. M’adan &c. &c, and from him Ibn Mobarik, al-Walid b. Moslim, and others, whose veracity is acknowledged. He died, according to Yazid b. ’Abd Rabbihi and AAmad b. Mohammad b. 8४ (apud Tadzhib) A. H. 152. Dzohabi also adds, under another head, that he took Hadith from ’Abd al-Rahm&n, as well as from his father. The latter died A. H. 118. ‘He bore, it is stated, a good character.
Page 160, line 12. 483) py U5 5.—Aboo [अग] says that the Moslims entered Damascus on a Sunday, thirteen months,— seven days excepted—after the accession of ’Omar 2, al-Khaétéb A. H. 14. Ibn Ishaq states that Damascus fell in the month of Rajab A. H. 14, and adds that the battle of Fikl took place before it. ‘He therefore supposes,” says Zabar{f, “that the last-mentioned battle was fought in Dzi Q’adah, A. H.13 we’ jx’ ०५) yw! we, Bnd 6d gi Bye GW diw — Al-Wagidi (apud Tabari,) agrees with Ibn Ishaq and Aboo पी in stating that the fall of Damascus did not take p'ace before the year A. H. 14, but the account of Saif b. ’Cmar, who places the date of the battle of Fifl after that of the fall of Damascus, coincides with that of our author. I by no means, however, consider Saif a good historian. His version of the conquest of Syria is at variance with the accounts of almost all good authorities. Al-Wéagidi
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at Ajnfdain, and our author has before related the circumstances attend- ing his death. This relation is however given on other authority
Page 154, line 14 ८६९“ ws ye ॥.&+ ^> -- am ignorant of
° all the names mentioned in this sanad.
Page 155, line 17. ८४५ 9 ५२६० dl ५.5 ८-5-1९ । hyperbole in this passage needs little comment, In case the reader may consider that all Arabian Historians take such licenses I would remark,— that Khalid b. al-Walid, or as he is termed the “Sword of God,” killed at the battle of Fihl with his own hand eleven of the enemy, is mentioned as a feat of great prowess ; and it is added that, on this account, his performances on that occasion were the talk of the whole army :— See Aboo [90811018 Fotooh, page 119.
Page 157, line 7 up | pls — That Mohammad is the last or, metaphorically, the Seal of the Prophets, our authonty is the Qoran (S. al-AAzab J. 22, r. 2). We have, moreover, Hadith on the subject, one of which is as follows,—‘“ The Prophet said,” states Thawban, “in my Church (4%! 5 ) there shall be thirty Liars [i. ९. false prophets] all of whom shall set themselves up for Prophets : but I am the Seal of the Prophets,—there shall be no Prophet after me. Mohammad’s Companions, however, ever ready—though unfortunately for the advantage of Islam too often somewhat clumsily—to multiply the real types of their Pro- phet’s mission, assert that he bore the marks of it on his person. Mo- hammad, it appears, “had a swelling or protuberance on his back, between the shoulders, about the size of a pigeon’s egg,” [we cannot call it a wart as it had hair on it] and this, it is gravely insisted, was the Seal of hi¢' prophetic mission, placed there by God himself. Tirmidz{, the great authority on these matters, has given us statements of people who saw it, in which it is very accurately described. Ic is unbkely, I think, that this story was put in circulation during the Prophet's life, os had it been 20, it is most probable he would not have neglected to take advantage of it. For the Hadith in which it 1s stated that Mohammadanism should be spread over the whole earth.—See Note page 2, line 8, also Faisir al- Wogool, Calcutta Ed., page 385, &c.
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Page 150, line 21. 83 y==*__ Lexicographers give no meaning for this word applicable to it in the sense in which it is here used. I would prefer reading BS Spe ,
Page 151, line 18. ८54 1 dy; of wis Milhan’s father was named Ziad, not Zaid as mentioned in the text. He was a Companion, but nothing remarkable is related regarding him. JI may mention, in case the reader might deem it strange that the sons of different fathers should be called brothers, that the passage is slightly defective, and that it should more correctly run as follows :—&«) pla ८ ५५ ॐ) Py In Arabic akhoo generally means the son of the same father and mother, and where the relationship is not so close, it is usual for careful writers to be more explicit. Half-brothers having the same mother are called akhydfi, ( च + |) and brothers by the same father "वदरत, ( ६.5४ ) Should they both have one mother and father they are styled ‘aint ( ५.5 ) The name of Milsdn’s mother was al-Nawar bt. Ramlah al-Bokh- tariyah. His pedigree is thus given by Ibn Hajar the Biographer CSB) द ५“ le ७7 न ८९ ०९; ८7 yal ५६) ; c=) ५.59 are aes: ९.०४ ^~ us wae >! ८5५५
Page 152, line 1. piel ugh S—« The reading in the text is that given in both the Damascus and Kanpoor MSS., yet no lexicon that I have access to, gives the word Kirdmf in the sense it is here used. The Tarikh Hoshaibari reads rel ys which gives a good sense. Kirdabis, the plural of Kirbdés, means “ fine linen.”
Page 154, line 12. (8) woe ८ yel—Thisis probably the same Companion who at page 119, line 13, is called «>+ ८ ७५ ५ gl Aban’s konyat was Aboo S’afd, which would account for the error. All are, however, wrong, as Abén b. Othman, if even born,—which is improbable as he wasa Tab’ai—must have been an infant at the time the occurrence related took place, for he died at Madinah A. H. 105. Abanb. S’afd is the only person J can fix on, but he was killed
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instrument, yet I am at a loss to discover how a sound sufficiently loud could be obtained from such an instrument, supposing it even to have been hollow, for the purpose of summoning a_ congregation. It is strange that immediately after the ^ flight” Mohammad’s Church, which then consisted of but a very limited congregation, being somewhat perplexed as to the method they should adopt for calling the faithful to prayers, should have proposed making use of this very ndqoos. It is even stated by “Abd Allah b. Zaid b. ’Abd Rabbihi that the Prophet had actually given the order to prepare one, and was only pre- vented from carrying his intentions into effect by a vision which he (’Abd
Allah) had seen :-— ya) per (9५1) palo all] J) yl 42 gd 11 7 71) eos) Cw ay pees) 5 ] ९ wheal Loy JUG ( 1 aad) all) dre ५ lis Le gle ८२५] # । (1 lal) SI ay ५ ~~ [ ५ red be e' “ 8} QU” (2 (25 JU gly + (~~ ९ HS = pd gp This Hadith some divines do not consider strong. It is given, how- ever, by Aboo Daood, al-Darimi, and Ibn Majah. Jaras usu- ally signifies small brass bells, or hollow brass balls which were put round the necks of cattle. The use of them was strictly pro- hibited by Mohammad, of whose “ sayings” we have one or two on the subject. Aboo Horairah states w= 9 (2 al] Jey js (+> 3) ८4 Leas Ais) &GNoS] and in another Hadith the dislike of the Prophet to the Jaras is more forcibly expressed. The same Companion says ५५५५-2 | lye Uy | ५५ (न ads) Jo) yl Al-Jazarf in his Nih4yah says “it is stated that the Prophet objected to (the use of) the Jaras, because by its sound it was calculated to direct the enemy to where his party were, and he desired that they should not know this, in order that he might come on them unawares.” This I have no doubt is the true cause of his objections to it. Indeed the connection of its prohibition with that of dogs in the Hadith above
cited, is a sufficiently clear proof. ©
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Large black eyes, alone, would not complete the beau ideal of an Arab beauty. Hoor (^> ) they say, is the plural of Ahwar ( 19) ) and signifies “ eyes, the apple of which should be coal-black and the remainder of a dazzling whiteness.” ’Jin ( ८८ ) again, it is added, isthe plural of ” Ainda ( > ++. ) and signifies simply “ having large eyes.” Al Baghawi quoting Majahid and Aboo ’Obaidah, says ५५५५} slit] Py } op! Cdl ८.७ Kab!) Gand slat aale* (1७ ° ८.2) (5 ८५७9 ५५२५-४ se (२ ५१५२५. „+= ६५५ + JU ppp) नन ७ 5०) १ asm tally +=] ६०, , yn ७५०1 It is clear I think that the words have not been understood, but we must allow some latitude in respect to definition, as it would be difficult to describe these ladies, for we are informed that such beings have never been seen on earth.
Page 142, line 13 ज | छ - ^+>-- 116 lady did not keep her vow, I am afraid, as itis related that on her return to Arabia she gave her hand to Talhah. Not, however, until she had declined the offers of the Khalifah "Omar, ’Alyf, and al-Zobair. By Talhah she had issue Ishig b. Talhah,
Page 148, line 11. 435)\b,—In one MS, this word is written 45 )\b I assume it means, or stands for a word that means, “ Shield.” In ignorance of the readings of either MS. I would read BAS)!
Page 144, line 14. WS ॥ | 3—This contemptuous phrase is a favorite one with the Arabs. It implies that the person addressed is a
foundling ( bid ) and knows not his own mother. Al-Jawhart says the phrase may be used in a complimentary sense, but I have never met it so used.
Page 150, line 5. £ | ~y5—The early Christians did not use bells in their Chnrches, but in the East they had, in lieu thereof, the instru- ment mentioned in the text. The édqous is described simply as being a large piece of wood. This was struck by a smaller piece called wabil ( Sx, ). All Arabic writers agree in their definitions of the
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my hand, and placed me standing at the door of the house, where I saw some women of the Azcdrs, who thus spoke tome. (Your arn- val) is fortunate and happy, the omens are most propitious. She (Omm Roomfn) then handed me over to them, and they adorned me, and I was very much terrified and afraid of the Messenger of God. (This done) I was committed to him, and on that very day I had attained my ninth year.” According to divines it is lawful to consummate a marriage with a child of seven years of age, should she be well conditioned, but not otherwise before the age of nine. Great care is taken in adoming and preparing a bride for the ` 075. As mentioned in the text, she is perfumed: the palms of her hands and soles of her feet are stained with Hinn§ (=) which is also applied to the nails of her fingers and toes. In Persia and Syria a portion of the arms and legs are also so coloured, and in India misst
( uso ) is applied to the lips and teeth,—The antimony or collyrium
( ) for the eyes also is not forgotten. Among the early Arabs, ladies were, for the most part, contented with perfumes and fine linen to enhance the charms they by nature possessed, but in latter years, ornaments of much value and of all descriptions were used, and the most absurd measures were adopted for setting off ध lady to advantage. I have myself seen Cashmere ladies disfigured in a wonderful manner, The whole face, including the forehead, painted white, the lips red, the cheeks bespangled with stars of gold leaf, and a new or full moon rising from the centre of the forehead ; thus practically exemplifying the ५ Moon-faced” beauties of the Persian poets. ‘The process of sprinkling gold leaf or gold dust on the face is called Afshdn. Countless allusions to these adornments will be found in the Persian poets. The curious may consult a very elegant compilation of Persian and Hindost4n{ lines, having reference to this subject, styled the Goldastah-i-Nishat.
` Page 142, line 10. op) ye 1—I do not think that commentators or lexicographers have rightly understood these words, which, in ignorance, I would assume to signify, fair virgins, in every respect perfect, both as to the symmetry of their forms, and the beauty of their countenances.
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‘second ( buy! |) shuts the third ( pau] ), and fourth fingers (ais! | ) making the sign with the first ; and most of the followers of Aboo Hanffah follow the directions of al-Shaf’ai in this matter, in pre- ference to those of their Master, as they do, indeed, in many instances wherein he disagrees with Aboo Hanifah, but the Cahibain, (Mo- hammad b. al-Hasan died A. H. 189, and Aboo Yoosof Y’aqoob b. Ibrahim died A. H. 182,) agree with him. It is stated, however, in the Fath al-Qadir, a good authority, that Aboo Hanifah does direct the raising of the first finger, and the author of the Bar al-Raiq ft Sharh Kanz al-Dagqdiq has quoted this work as his authority for the fact, which I add as the passage, as given in my copy of the Fath al-Qadir, is a litde obscure. I am thus particular on this point as it is one which has given rise to much disagreement and cavilling among Mohammadans, and I am informed, though I cannot vouch for the fact, that so strongly do they feel on the point, that in some countries, especially in Bokhara, amputation of the offending finger would be the punishment of any one who was seen observing the rule. Page 142, line 5. \_py*—The marriage ceremony ( ey ) among the Arabs might more appropriately be termed a betrothal, as it
simply consisted in the formal proposal of the bndegroom ( w\=) )
and the acceptance of him by the bride ( Je ) or perhaps, I should say; by her family. The ’Ors, or ceremony of proceeding to the bride- groom’s house, which is generally celebrated with much pomp, takes place at intervals of various length, frequently regulated by the age of the bride at the time of her marriage. *Adayishah pives the follow- ing account of her own marriage with Mohammad :—“ The prophet married me ( Lome ) when I was a girl of six years of age. We afterwards went to Madinah, and lived with the Bani al-Hanth b. al- Khazrij, where I was taken ill, and my hair fell off, so that little re- mained. One day as I was playing with my little toys, in company with my companions, my mother, Omm Rooman, came for me, and not knowing what she desired to do with me I went with her. She took
( 109 )
extended to the rear; the toes of the right foot are turned up, and pressed against the ground ; the left foot is placed with the instep to the ground, and the sole facing upwards, so as to form a resting-place or seat for the body. Both hands are then extended and placed on the knees respectively opposite them, the fingers of the left hand resting in the natural position. The fingers of the right hand, however, should be differently placed :—the first finger, alone, is extended, the rest being closed, and the thumb placed close to the knuckle of the first finger, with the first joint bent underneath it. This is the correct position as laid down in the most creditable Hadith to be found in the great canonical works. Ibn al-Zobair, (apud Aboo Déood and al-Nasat) says ६१.) 55 dnd 19) utes!) Bead yd, dbl , ४५ Cs? Usps!) ८.०८ Clam ११९2 Vg ८५ Jd) ५न pce ७४ ass 5 And ^ b. "Abd al-Rakman states, and which statement the six Canons, al- Bokhar{ excepted, have given,—\egic ely} ५ 52) ye os! ५5, Js gio | Jb 9 coils 3-2) Lbs ४०. } ५.55 7 wuc] Ul , ४१.) ५.5 ("^> 19] ५४ tra) ^“ 9 asle al] ५ 5 ०. J) ws ५6 ५.०) lit) KIS ५.०] ५.3} 7 | tos? ude ५ 5+> | (1 ee ८१-५४।। bids ule use] 95 23 ) eh] 56 tl And again Nai from Ibn Omar 9 ५ 61 । BANS ५ 5 robe | ४५९ &>) y e BUWL JM) 9 T >>> 9 ५. ५2 —_Divines however, with their usual love for difference regarding trifling forms, are disagreed on the point. Aboo Hanifah, according to some, does not extend the first finger at all, and al-Shaf’af joins the thumb ( ॥ Le) ) and
+ In the “days of ignorance” and during Mohammad’s life time, the Arabs counted up to 10,000 on their fingers in the following manner. The units were represented by the position of the three last fingers of the right hand, and the tens by the thumb and the several joints of the first finger, &c. Thus fifty-three is represented by placing the top of the thumb inside the first or knuckle joint of the first finger, which remains open or extended, while the remaining fin- gers are closed .-—See Appendix.
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9. al-’Afg on another, and Yazid b. Abi Sofyén ona third.” Ibn AshGiq’s account of the siege is too brief to expect any details therefrom.
Page 136, line 8. ©| , Joie! |—These words are the plurals of JOk> and elie The signification of the former is ^ a huge stone” and of the latter a “sling.” The allusion I suppose is to the warlike engines of the Romans. Aboo Ismé‘iil says 11111 l pale,’
Page 139, line 18.) 1] s—Qorin 8. Al-"Imrin, J. 4, x. 11,
Page 141, line 14. ५5“ vo y]—Mohammad took great pains to refute the doctrine of the Godhead of Jesus, whose name he seldom or ever mentioned without adding “the son of Mary.” The passage in the text is taken from the Qorén 8. Al-’Imran, J. 3, r. 13, and the import of it is—that if Mary gave birth to a son without knowing a man, it is still as preposterous, if not more so, to say that God is the father of her child, as it would be to say that He is the father of Adam, who was produced without having had either father or mother. The easiest way for an Anti-Christian to get over the difficulty, would have been to disallow his miraculous birth, but Mohammad, having acknow- ledged Jesus to have been a Prophet, was precluded from so doing ; and we must certainly give him credit for great ingenuity in having adopted, in disproof of Christ’s Godhead, a most specious argument. For the remarks of the Arabian Prophet regarding the Trinity in Unity, See Qoran, J. 6, r. 3, &c., &e. ;
Ibid, line 21. [ Lepila |} \myaitla y\6—This passage is the same in substance—though somewhat differently expressed—as that in which Aboo Ism#’ifl describes the death of Abin. He says aie}, 1975 9 49) Gs ० alas? न rar 2 yep HLS ५ +> ॥ 7 PS ery oF Lgieles
त Page 142, line 2. £ | ५+-० | ,‡५-° St ५७ g—The Sonnfs in re- peating the ¢ashahhod extend the first finger ( 2 4] ) The position of the devotee is as follows :—He kneels down, both legs being
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Jie a abel ७८) न ८ pK BITS, erga ole yo (~ eV 20s 45] 9] (८.० y Siw Al-Jazarf says the plural may be“al- 4 पृण] as well as ^ पद, under both of which heads he has noticed it bly shy 21] (199 \ 5) E> ५ ८1191 SS a3} 245 ° (1,53) ell ; (४४ Ast) SLIT + 3 त > त © JUST) 1 ५.55 yl ०५० ) Aus Urs? (>) oy” ars (1 alo] , ५) 110 US Jad bal dle ५0 SUS) bel y ° rte £> ५.6 23} ८5 ® ५५59) @ ly) } Urata] ali) 9 ev go> ci KL] ८५ prom ES gle Onl gry Ji aor Mall JI I ८ ५१५ तॐ (91 Legos) Abe 5 0 (न ody 97 Coy? 2 bell 7? 9 8) ५५० (5 rd ७४) eye 29 (० 9 Latte I ( 2५६५] ) ८854“ 3 ott! । sly | As the document alluded to is a curious one 1 subjoin the version given of a portion of it by the author of the ‘Shifé ff Hogoog al-Mogtifé, which is as follows (42 (2191 ०२८ ९.७ ५ 9 ४ das) 65 ०5) +) ely dl, dab] ८५59 \ 51
८०) res) yeu] ९ 5 2541 1941 9 UST, LW) ३92 २925 (~) ia Lb; ८०9 Lele bys pw I dole pros © ra द KS Shs al] LaF ( 55 doe Vy ८.०५] ९5 prey) ) ) (४29
Js) | isle Jy Je ५7 ५ 19) ^> yur
Page 132, line 14. paw JS (~~ e—Qoran S. Al-Imraén, J. 4, r. 10, &c.
Page 133, line 20. —3y¢ wf? arly ५ 5४4 +> - प of the names mentioned in this, or the preceding sanad, are known to me.
Page 135, line 3. Gols] wt yor ५८५ ^ - 11९ disposition of the Moslim army around the walls of Damascus, and the whole operations of the siege, are given more in detail by our author, than any other writer whose account I have seen. Aboo शाम] (p. 82) agrees with hin in placing Kb4lid at the Eastern and Aboo *Obaidah at the Jadbiyah gate of the city, but further he does not mention. Saif b. Omar says “ Aboo ’Obaidah was on one side, ’Amr
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Ed. p. 130, Bokhari, &c.) Aboo Sofy&n died at Madinah A. H. 30, ot according to al-Maddin{f A. H. 34, aged 88 years. Ghid4q or पिन्व् is unknown to me.
Page 130, line 1. gp!) pemgy lb!) ८.९.१५८ 1 am afraid this account of our author, is a garbled statement of what occurred shortly after the commencement of the Campaign with reference to "Iqrimah b. Abi Jahl, Sohail b. ’Amr, and al-Harth b. Hishém (See Text, p. 20, also Aboo 91४६१178 Fotooh, p- p. 38-9.)
Ibid, line 4. @ 1 yl—Qorin S. al-Tawbah, J. 10, r 11. |
Page 131, line 13. व ८०५. ८ = yyef—'Amr b. M’adi Karib ४. ’Abd Allah ४. ’Amr ४. Khodhm (or ’Ogm) b. ’Amr b Zobaid (al-’Acghar, ) &c., al-Madzhiji, al-Zobaidi, is a personage of some note in Arabic Biography. He professed the Faith in the year 9 or 10 of the Hijrah, but after the death of the Prophet, he refused to acknow- ledge the succession of Aboo Bakr, and joined the rebels under the guidance of Aswad al-’Anasi. Khalid b. al-Walfd, however, dis- persed these mal-contents, and captured the celebrated sword of ’Amr, (See note p. 79) wounding him very severely. He was afterwards sent a prisoner to Aboo Bakr, and we find him fighting valiantly at al-Yarmook, and subsequently at the battle of Qadisfyah, where it is believed he was killed, (Igdbah, Isti’aab ; See also Nawawi’s Tahdzi{b al-Asmfa, p. 482, Ibn Qotaibah, p. 152, Dozy’s Shark Qacfdah Ibn *Abdoon |’ Ibn, Badroon, p. 145, &c.)
Ibid, line 19. £ ye >! i K3— A boo शारी mentions (p. 82,) that Aboo Bakr wrote a reply to Khalid’s despatch regarding the battle cf Ajnddain, but he does not give us a copy of it.
Page 132, line 9. 2 (S5)—I think the term Aqyal is ap- plicable, only, to the princes of Yaman (see Qamoos). The following extract I take from the Majm’ooo Gharaib, Ah4dith <} (८5
"Se + ५२५५५. ^ » Jed pled coli] (JU, air,
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two last mentioned authors also mention Saturday to have been the day of the week. The correctness of this statement we might test by calcu- lation, but when we consider the semi-barbarous mode of reckoning time in use with the early Mohammadans, it must be adinitted that no cal- culations, no matter how accurately computed, will enable us to fix positively the precise date of any occurrence in early Mokammadan History.
Page 127, line 12, (~ऽ 1५15 yy! 716 letter of ताद्व to Aboo Bakr, after the battle of Ajn&dain, is given by Aboo Ismé’ifl also. The substance of the two are evidently taken from the same orginal, yet the distinction between them is very great. The number of the Roman killed, as set down by our author here, must be frightfully exaggerated. Aboo Ismfiil states that they left 3,000 dead on the field, and that many more were killed in the pursuit. Where our author has taken the supplementary return of killed from, I am unable to say. The reader may refer back to page 113, for the more accurate account of this matter, and I would call his attention to the strange discrepancies between the two lists of casualties. It is in such cases, where the accounts of differ- ent authors are given, that the style of tbis work is so very objec- tionable.
Page 129, line 20. = ७१४०५) - 40०0 Sofyén Sakhr b. Harb b. Omaiyah b. ’Abd al-Shams, was one of the Prophet's bitterest enemies in the beginning of Jslém. He did not profess the Faith until the taking of Makkah, and then it is mentioned (apud the Dzakhair al-’Oqb&) that for very shame he dared not to look the Prophet in the face ; but afterwards he showed great zeal for Islam. He was present at the battles of Honain and Tnif, at the latter of which he lost an eye. According to the best authorities, he does not appear on the stage, in these wars, prior to the battle of al-Yarmook (See Aboo Ism@iil, p. p. 198-9,) in which engagement, the author of the Isti’adb says, he lost the remaining eye. “It is upon his (Aboo Sofydn’s) authority we have the account of Mokammad’s letter to Heraclius, in ` which he called on him to profess the Faith (See Sharh Mishkat, Calcutta
‘ 7
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Page 128, line 1. esd! eis os? UO'4E—There were two Com- panions of this name. One the person mentioned in the text, and the other Use ^< ws (else = There are Had{th extant, on the autho- rity of both, and writers have ascribed most of them to either, promis- euously. The person here mentioned should be, I think, al-Fahrf. He took an active part in the Syrian Campaign, and I am not aware that the other did. He was, says Ibn S’ad (apud the Ic&bah) “ the cousin ( Sec os!) ) or nephew of Aboo ’Obaidah, who, before he died, + appointed him Governor of (क्रा. He conquered Mesopotamia, and died in Syria, at the age of 60, A. H. 20. Ibn ’Abd al-Barr has omitted the name of al-’Ashar{ amongst the Companions of whom he has given us a notice.
Page 125, line 10. ७२.४५ pd abl 5—QorénS. (गण्ड, J. 3, r. 13, and S. al-Anfél, J. 9, r. 17.
Page 126, line 14. _y9 (32, >= ~ know of no place called D’ar er Daghr. It might be that the word meant was Dair, or Dair Khdlid, which is close to Damascus, and to which place Aboo Ismé’ifl says Khiélid b. al-Walid proceeded immediately after the battle of Aj- nédain (pW DIG (+ ud! 124 ७)) CPT] 1५1 yl > ee) ७५४ ५.५५] ४२५ ud | Juss ep gh The word could hardly be intended I think for yj (oras I have seen it written ye ) as this place was situated near the Dead Sea, and the best authorities agree in stating that Khalid went north-ward after the battle of Ajnddain.
Ibid, line 18. ६ ,95)|—Al-Thagafi ("Abd al-Wahh&b Aboo Mo- Aammad b. ’Abd al-Majid b. Calt) was born A. H. 108, and died A. H. 190, Itis probable, therefore, that should he and Yoonos b. ’Abd ’Adlé have stood to each other in the relationship of master and pupil, that Yoonos, who was younger by 62 years, would not have been the preceptor, as the sanad in the text would lead us to believe.
Page 127, line 10. £ ८२५५५ ०.५) | ५6 510 Ishéq, Aboo Ism4’ifl, and Ibn Shabbah, all state the 28th of Jomadf al-Oolé to have been the date on which the battle of Ajn&dain took place. The
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` Page 119, line 12. ` pty ८९.०८ ७.९ Ode—This name should, I have no doubt, be S’afd b Aamir b. Hidzyam, and that following it Aban b S’afd. With Zofar b S’afd I have no acquaintance. ’Adf b. Hfatim is a well-known Companion ; we might appropriately call him Long-shanks, for it is stated that when he rode on horseback hig legs trailed along the ground. Ibn Hajar, without, however, giving his authority, says he served in the campaign in "Iraq, but I am not aware that he was present in that of Syria. He was present, fighting on the side of ’Alyf, at the battle of the ^ Camel,” where he lost an eye, and also at Ciffin (Ibn Qotaibah, p. 160, Isti’aab, and Ig&bah, MSS.) Page 121, line 15. 19 5—The verb @accob means to put on the ’Ipdbah, a fillet worn round the temples: Mohammad usually wore it in-doors, The word dio is very plainly written in both the Tarfkh Hoshaibari and the Kanpoor copy of the MS. I cannot find the word, however, in any lexicon, nor have I ever met it before. I subjoin
the explanation given to me by an Arab of Makkah, without, however,
attesting its accuracy, OA Poesy ५.5८ uF i | ७१०? Wd ५१.८६.५1} ४०८] )) [ ५५८ ] ~~] 3] bed) 3} 2८ or!) 1 would prefer supposing that the word should be ५१० or its plural ५१८८.० the
noun of instrument from dye which signifies a turband. It would not however, appear to be a clerical error as at page 147 will be found the following passage, &/ Edin) Wane yd 5
। Page 122, line 18, pil 25) ५ 5५ This sanad is, I should say, incorrect from beginning to ead. None of the names men- tioned in it are known to me. The entire story regarding the interview of Khalid with Wardan, and the stratagetic measures adopted by both commanders, are unnoticed by other writers : indeed almost every thing that is related in this work regarding Wardan requires confirmation, I may here also mention that our author has either not noticed the battle of FiAl at all, or else confusedly mixed up his account of it, with that of the battle of Ajnadain,
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men dead on the field at the battle of Ajnédain. Of the names men- tioned in the text I have no knowledge. I would point out that it was before mentioned (p. 109, ¢ 2,) that the name of the Governor of ’Ammén was Stephen, and not M4rus or Marius, as here stated.
Page 115, line 9. ths pt! (J\U—The passage as given in the text is not, that I am aware of, a Hadith. The following, whieh I extract from the Taisir is, I have no doubt, a portion of the Hadith
alluded to. 3 (re (x ७५६० ys) Jb * wv jle wf? +, | } wr
क od ” palo Js usr re 3 4 y) | १४९) wy” 3 j= ys | SUB Bel) 55 UT slp 9 10 JU old Le ING पनन) # WI (55 Al-Moghaiyarah (apud Bokhérf) also says (5 | ० = \ 1 jhe ८ JB Lo ail yy Ulu, ८. pale Lind and Razin (apud the Tais{r al-Wocool) continues ६.७ Gem! ८ e Sys! us? eve ८20] We have many other Hadith bearing on the point, but it is unnecessary to notice them. That Kd/irs go to Hell, under all circumstances, is an article of the Moslim faith. (See Qoran S. Al Imrén, J. 4, 7. 11, and S. Tawbah, J. 10, r. 15, &., &c.) With refer- ence to this point, and as illustrative of the subject, I cannot refrain from relating the following amusing anecdotes. “ [पाक्य b al-Khattab,” we are told, ^ once said to Aboo Bakr al-Ciddiq. ‘We have done more for the advantage of the Qoraish than ye, for we despatched them to Paradise and ye sent them into (the everlasting) Fire.’” The allusion is, of course, to the time when Dhirfr fought on the side of the infidels against the Prophet. And again it is related that ^ one day as some of the tribes of Aws and Khazrij were disputing regarding which of them had ‘displayed the greatest bravery at the battle of Ohad, Dhirdr b al-Khattéb happening to pass by, they said ‘he was present and knows all about it,’ so they sent to him a young man from among them who asked him regarding it. He replied, ‘ which of you is of Aws, and which of Khazrij, ‘I know not, (but this Ido know) that at the battle of Ohad I joined eleven of you in wedlock to black-eyed Hoories,’” (Ibn’Abd al-Barr’s Asti’aab. ) Page 119, line 3. ra 19५८} 5—Qorin 8. al-Anfal J. 10,1. 4.
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Page 106, line 19. ` ५} a) wl—Qorén 8. al-Tawbah J. 11; ए. 3.
Page 108, line 13, ६२ वः$ word is plainly written as in the text, both in the Kénpoor copy, and in the Tarikh Hoshaibar{ The reading in the Damascus MS. is given in the foot-note. I am at a loss to discover the precise meaning of the word, if indeed it is correctly written. It is here, however, evidently to be taken in the sense of < Governor,” or some such official
Page 110, line 2 ro! । + ae S68 9) 5—It is a common practice among the Arabs, and one in use in most Mofammadan coun trries up to the present day, to offer up prayers for another, or for the suc- ceas of an undertaking, &c., at the tomb of the Prophet, or that of some deceased Moslim of renowned sanctity. I cannot call to mind, however, having met with an instance of a Moslim carrying out a threat similar to that held out by Dhirér which is mentioned in the text. It was the be- lief of the pagan Arabs, and one propagated by Mohammad, that the con- versation of men could be understood by the horse. In the Kitéb ’Arais (apud the Insén al-’Oyoon) it is related that when the Almighty created the horse he thus addressed it “‘ I have made you Arabian. I have made also your destiny fortunate ( WSixcld; 140० yak!) lem ) 1 have asso- ciated you with, [or given you for a companion] your master, and I have rendered you capable of flying without wings, that you might be fit both for pursuit and flight ( ५१६ ly ७11 )”
Page 113, line 1 piste wt &elw—From a comparison of the return of the killed at Ajnadain given in the text, with the account of the earlier historians, Ibn Ishaq and Aboo Isméifl, (See Note p. 31, 1. 3,) it would appear to be pretty correct, All except Dzorr or Dorr are men- tioned by both. The long list of names given in the foot-note, is only to be found in the Kaénpoor MS, and on what authority our author has given it I cannot say. It may be well to notice here, that our author is singular in giving us an account of two engagements at Ajnddain. That here related, however, there is no doubt was the grand battle
Ind, line 6. £। fay! \e] 5—Aboo Ismé’ifl (See his Fotooh, page 79,) agrees with our author in stating that the Romans left 3,000
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७५५०८ | doa] ५:५9) ^ gis) ७ which affords, I think, some proof not of the derivation of the word—if indeed such a one existe—but of the idea of our author regarding it. With reference to the word 52009 I am not aware that there were any description of soldiers or body- guards called after the Emperor Heraclius. Of cities of the name of Heraclea there are, in ancient Geography, no less than forty, some of which, also, were situated in Asia Minor and Syria—but it is improbable that the Arabs ever heard of more than one or two of them. The only one of the name I have found noticed by Arab authors is Herakli ( Anct. Heraclea) a town in Romania, the See of a Greek Archbishop and situated W. 8. W. of Constantinople, Lat. 40°. 53’. E. Long. 27°. 54’. In Arabic the name is written (29 and also 45,% from which 455% would be the noun relative. But although this is a possible derivation, I by no means consider it a probable one, and think it much more likely that our author wished simply to express the plural of Heraclius, thinking, perhaps, that the rule which applies to Cesar, Kisré, Najdéahi, &c., who were Kings, could be equally well applied to Heraclius, who was a King also. I am more confident in the opinion that all these words—except perhaps 224 regarding which I know nothing whatever, unless we may be permitted to read the Arabic word 4&2 “ solves” in explanation of the root ( £ ) of which Fe- rawzabéd{ says “A wolf,” and also “a courageous man,” a “ well- bred and swift horse,” “greatness,” &c.—are meant to be plurals, because we find them frequently connected in the same sentence, and taken apparently in a similar sense with $ — 75); and I think I may sdd 4&1)! all which are the plurals of (9 yo and wy) }
The word Bitrtg (a Patrician and also a Patriarch) now signifies in Syna simply a soldier. Asa Military Commander, according to Ara- bian authorities, a Bitriq had the command of 10,000 men, and under him were the Tarkhan ( yay ) and Qoomas ( Utes? ) who com- manded, the former 5,000 and the latter 200 men, or a maniple. The word hoffar in the text is, I should suppose, an addition of some pious copyist.
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Page 106, line 13. 85 3 वक) 3 2४ 409 ; So) wow 25) 1} - 19 addition to the names here mentioned, we find at pp. 108-10 lines 6-13, and subsequently very often throughout the work, the sx. and ई 3. The context in the several passages in which many of the | words under notice occur, would lead us to suppose that they were meant to denote some kind of troops or battalions, but to explain the meaning of many of these words, or give for them the correct derivations I regret I'am unable. The word ..s>) forms in the plural sla | and may sig- nify the chief of a tribe ; and from this we might deduce use!) Iam pretty certain, however, that such was not our author’s idea of the derivation of the word Ardhfyah, for at p. 108, 4. 11-13, occurs the following passage, Exon) 59) ८ (> dale jos and Romanus says (=) | phi ६ Our author, or rather all his transcribers, then, I should say, sought to derive the word from Ls?) | ४. ९. Jericho. But I have no doubt they knew nothing about it, and that the word should be no other than ४ /॥ the plural of <) | [Greek apywy,] an Archon, which although in Arabic it bears the signification of a Prince, is chiefly used among Eastern Christians to denote a chief of Religion. What such functionaries had to do heading a charge, is a matter the reader must settle with our author ;—At line 4 of the same page he will observe that Bishops have been coupled with Bitrtqs, from which I would assume that Patriarchs not Patricians are meant. The word drilod,) oF 254) | I am at a loss regarding. There isa city in Persia named ७6५) ! but the name is not written with the Persian g4f, which would be necessary to render the conclusion just. I would pre- fer seeking our author’s derivation of it, in that for which the word yiszyd before noticed (see Note. p. 5, line 5,) stands; regarding which, however, as I am unacquainted, I can say nothing. The reader must not object to my convenient transposition of the letters, R. and D. The word is by different authors wnitten MNS) oi y=; ५ - ७८०२५ - Jt &c., &c., which is sufficient evidence to induce us to believe that all are in- correct. Atp. 109 will be found the following passage (7? 44) pis
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: Page 100, line 8. ७ ust del> JU.—Of Hamid b. ’Awn (or ’Awf as it may be) I know nothing. No such personage is to be found in any of my authorities. _ Page 101, line 7. 459) DAS ७ U~x2— ए 0०008, १, ’Abd al- A’ald was born, it is said, on the 8th of Rabf al-Akhir A. H. 170, and died A. H. 264. He took Hadith from Sofyan b. ’Oyainah, al- Walid b. Mos- lim, Mokammad b. ’Obaid al-7aiydlasi, al-Shaf’af, &c. &c., and from him, his son A/mad, Aboo J’afir al- Tahawi, Aboo Bakr b. Ziad al- Naicéboori, al-Madaini, al-Moslim, al-Nasai, Ibn Majah, &c. &c. I do not find it stated, anywhere, that he took Hadith from al-Waqidi. As, how- ever he was thirty years of age when al-Wagqidi died, it is not impossible that he should have done so. In such a case we should read after his name (७ ५५५५ 19] ws We are not told that Yoonos 0, '4.9त al- A’ali, himself, wrote any work about these wars :—See Preface, p. xxii. ` एण, line 11. 4448—Safinah was, as it is stated in the text, a matold of Mohammad, or as others more specifically state, of _Omm Salmah, who gave him his liberty, on condition that he would serve the Prophet during his life-time. Safinah was a sobriquet, his name being, according to some, Riah, and to others Mihran or Rooman His sons, and many others, took Hadith from him
Ibid, line 18 (=< |] know of no such person as -al-Dhah- hak b. ’Orwah ° Page 102, line 18. |y3!5 Y—Qordn 8. al-Bagarah, J. 2, r. 8. Page 103, line 13. sySwe MIS L3,5—Our author's disposition of the Moslim commanders in this engagement does not much differ from that given by Aboo Ismé’iil. He places M’o&dz on the right and S’afd on the left; Aboo ’Obaidah in command of the Infantry, and Said b. Zaid b. ’Amr of the Cavalry. He also mentions that Khélid b. al-Walid visited and harangued the ladies, but he has not given ug any of their names. Ibn Ish&q, apparently, notices the battle of Ajnadain very briefly ।
Page 105, line 2. gl 149] 5—=Qorén 8 Als'Imrgn, J.- 4 r. 11
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Page 98, Kine 1. AU Spay 5 953 ५५) a y.—The person alluded to here is the middle Tob0’a ( ५.) @5) Aboo Karib As’ad (al-Kamil) b. Malki Karib b. Tobb’a al-Akbar, or the Great Tobd’a. Avs’ad plays a very remarkable part in the traditionary History of the Himyarites. He is fabled to have lived to the astonishing age of three hundred and fifty-one years, three hundred and twenty, (or, accord- ing to Ibn Qotaibah, twenty-seven,) of which, he held the reins of Government. He was an Astrologer, a man of great eloquence, and also a poet; and it is stated, that it was he who first covered the K’abah with prepared leather ( e\bi3! ) and cloth. He was put to death by the Himyarites in consequence of his rapacity, and his son elected King in his room. Arabian wniters are pretty well agreed in stating that he was one of those who acknowledged the unity of the Deity before Mohammad’s mission. The first and third couplets given in the text, will be found in Ibn Qotaibah’s Kitab al-M’afrif (p. 29), and I extract from the Tarfkh al-Hoshaibar{ the following verses, which are given on the authority of ’Obaid (or ’Abfd) b. Shariyah who is himself I am afraid, rather a suspicious character.
pans 1 ५4५ pall us dy) ¢ @ fle) ५4 ५०५६ yl ye wa) Abe « 7 us? ७००६-५ de] a = ols 4 12) esto = ४ dl ५५ de ol (= ol xe oy? VSI] ५5८ =» == ^ US «= users] ^ JS toe Uf 7! 9 # ॐ dia as wr aa} 3 ed ५ 3) ५५५ Be > (८ ५5 dea, ९.5 (ल old coher tbs = = Mla ७) pay + ५५ 1 | । Jo Idle easy hus lic 9 73) se deal 4] ; @ oe ति } ५६ (३५.००! eos tila ८ ey! 2% न (12) ayes} gS) ) (152. | yes
Page 100, line 2 1 $> 1५} 5.—Qorin 8. al-Niséa, J 5,
1, 8. M a FOR LIED
muny' ` ५. é \ | ^
VEN Y ( we n>
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Page 97, line 3. es wly us= —Although I am doubtful even of the existence of such a personage as Khawlah bt. al-Azwar, allowing that Dhirar had a sister of that name, the family was not, I am inclined to think, a Himyarite one. The whole story of the capture of the women, and their heroic defence of their honor, as related by our author, bears a somewhat suspicious appearance. Aboo [६1], (see his History p. 75) notices the attack made on the rear-guard of the Moslim Army by the garrison of Damascus, but he does not make any mention of the other circumstances herein detailed. Nor do Ibn Ishaq, Saif b. "Omar, Ibn al- Kalbi, or Ibn Shabbah, that I am aware of, allude tothem. The ladies mentioned in the preceding page,—one excepted, viz. Omm Abén,—are unknown to me ; she was a Qorashite, and not a descendant of the Tob- b’as. It is not improbab!e, that our author, for the purpose of embellishing his narrative, may have sacrificed truth to effect, and trusting to the want of acumen in his readers, given to fictitious characters the names of real personages. ’Ofairah bt. ’Affar I find was a lady of considerable celebrity, and on her account a fierce war once raged between the families of 7% and Jadis ; but this occurred in a very early age, when ’Imligq was Chief, and Dzoo Habshan b. Ifriqain, who was contemporary with Kai Khosraw, was King. This ’Imliq was of the Zasm family, and was in the habit of deflowering all virgins of the Jadis families prior to their marriage
eas Oa <>) 1 ws by Led | uf 19४ ६.५ 3 pv (> wy” x eye so } and? | 4; Leal ४ Ip Ls ws 3 (pales ised pe ek Ease oo Gide ८ bey ly 1५9 Gags ५) ७०5. ५५} ds) 2] ५2] (^ (5 les 9 Ure (८ lac of ५१} Wend] us? (६०; ५5८ ten ys? (६५ 44 Pa eps ly ५.44} igi = |,=) 451 eee oi!) ५५ ६, (>, ^ lye pols @ ४012 ५ 1८ de O08 ८.० न-पा Hosai- bari,—See also Ibn Qotaibah, pp. 14, 308, and Hamasah, pp. 79, 314, 223, &e.
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-of a very sanguinary engagement between Marwan b. Hakam, and Dhah- h&k b. Qais, the latter of whom allowed himself to be persuaded to advance his own claims to the Khalifat, and afterwards supported ’Abd Allah, b. al-Zobair. Dhahh&k according to al-Madaini (apud Isti’aab) had with him in this engagement the flower of the Qoraish, and Marwan was successful, only ; by means of a stratagem but, although victorious, his victory appears to have been dearly purchased, for it is stated he lost of the Yamanites eleven hundred men, while the loss of the opposite side was only one thousand, but amongst the slain was Dhahhak. This engagement, says Khalifah b. Khaiyéé (apud Icdbah,) took place on the 15th of Dzoo al- Hijjah A. H. 64. The battle mentioned in the text is not noticed, as far as I am aware, by any other author. I have noticed the other engagement, because it is very frequently alluded to, in Mokammadan literature, both prose and poetry. (See Hamasah pp. 70, 317, 658.)
Page 89, line 21. al Os Uts—The Arabs have no letter P. in their language, and as Petrus is changed into Batras, so Paulus as- sumes the form of Boolac. I cannot, however, as easily recognise Balgé.
Page 91, line 19. Spud | us” 3 GE yw ye—The Kiswah runs close to Damascus. It will be found laid down on most charts.
Page 92, line 6. Jiev—In the Kanpoor Copy, this name is written Sahl, but no mention is to be found of either any where
Ibid, line 14. £ ८/7 (ग 8. al-Anfal, च. 10 r. 1.
Page 93, line 13 £ ५ 5 +> am ignorant of all the person- ages mentioned in this sandd |
Page 95, line 5. 44) , चा 16 Amalekites here alluded to, are not those mentioned in our Scripture who dwelt in Petra and who, according to Mohammadan Genealogists, were descended from "Imligq b. Lawadz b. Iram b. Sam b. Nook :—From this race sprung the Pha- roahs of Egypt. The Amalekites under notice ruled in Yaman, and derived their name from ’Amlaq b. Samaid’a b. Cawér b. ’Abd al- Shams. For an account of the Tobb’as, See Pocock’s Spec. Hist. Arab., Ibn Qotaibah, Caussin de Percival’s Hist. Arab, &c. &c.
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op bl dy ७०८४९.) + त दन SUD भ ) Hey ८९] ८.० 1990 29S ore 2 gyal py ५429 ^ 10० 1४१1], and as far as I can discover, Ibn Ishaq, make no mention of this N’om4n in their accounts of these wars, but there was another N’o- man, the son of Bashir, who Ibn Qotaibah says—without mentioning, however, the year—was killed between Hime and Salamyah Hs 9 ८.८ 3 2५५... wr Lass pasty 212 Page 88, line 15. £ । ५1 > Wi 1/ is similarly related by Aboo अप, that Khalid wrote to all the Generals of Division in Syria prior to commencing his march upon Ajnadain. His letter also to these Commanders is given, but there is no similarity between the two; on the contrary, they are as dissimilar as possible, but I will not attempt to account for the discrepancy. Ajnadain was situated between al-Ram- lah and Jabroon :—(See Naw4wi’s Biog. Dict. V. "Ikrimah ; and al- 74- barf, vol. II. p. 132.) It is the dual of the plural of yond, and it is not improbable that it received its name from this very battle. It was here the first great meeting of the two opposing armies took place in Synia, and while this fact rendered the place famous, the old and obscure name may have passed from memory Ibid, line 19. 1 | y53 19०1 दण्द 8. al-Caff. J. 18, r. 9
Page 89, line 13 £ | 45 ye e&-—Qorin S. al-Bagarah, J. 2 1, 17
Ibid, line 18. )j8—The sense of the word darar “ the centre of a road or way,” in the passage referred to, is evident from the context. It is used, however, in more senses than one, viz., darar il-Batt means the frontage or space before a house, and darar d-Rih “the winds’ course.”
Ibid, line 19. b»® Wy 0 + द 7] Shahoord and Marj Rahi¢ were both plains situated a short distance from Damascus. The latter, itis stated, received its name from a man of the tnbe of Qo- dhah, who lived in the early times of ignorance, and whose name was
Rahi¢. It was rendered celebrated among the Arabs by being the scene
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ever, none were daughters of al-Azwar, nor does his description of any, answer that of the lady under notice. I should have supposed that our author had mistaken her for Khawlah bint al-Th’alibah, who is mentioned by Aboo Ismi/iil p. 200, (see also my note same page, ) as being present | at the battle of al-Yarmook, were it not, that in the account which will be given of that engagement in this work, mention is made of both, 0091 eke Ved wi ५५५०१ ५} daw ८. dew ८.7 ८. JU ५५५ 9 ० ८ Kile ads 9 5 209 Els iy Uys, कि) Pou 3 श) of BANS ७०१) ८१५2 3 (ess का । e~ (2 Ne) ८७ lye!) ) shail] ple] ८.० 9 (९) les? & pos!) +
Jews ew» jem red eli ६१५ cll ° (2 Uys, For the History of these wars’ confirmation of the affairs relative to Dhirér and his sister which are detailed in this work, would be, if not important, at least satisfactory. I regret, however, that after much search, I am unable to produce corroborative evidence of their truth.
Page 85, line 5. ll ४ (5) ८ bb Al Saméwah will be found on most charts. I cannot determine, however, the position of ’Oq&b al-Hillah, which I suppose must have lain somewhere in the desert:—-The well-known al-Hillah, (Babylon) situated on the banks of the Euphrates, could not, I assume, be intended. In the Damascus copy the passage is very differently expressed viz. WI] \ 53 21६1-1“ 3 ४, ५} cbs oi] ७} and itis not improbable that this reading may be the more correct.
Page 88, line 13. yy* ८. yexJ]—I do not find, that any author has mentioned al-N’oman as serving in the Syrian Campaign. He took an active partin the war against the Persians, and was the person who brought
the news of the victory at Qédistyah to "Omar. He also took Ispahén and became a martyr at Nahawand A, H. 21 ५८ of wy op ५ £> +~ 45 Vyas pd oil] > ) 49 Py ५.“ gS] ipl] (६०) ५4 agin) » ylarol e CoN] > 5 ५५५२] Thn Qotai- bah, says of him in his Kitab al-M’adnf(p. 152,) NS 7, Why te”
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is the name by which Saul is called in the Qordn, according to Mokam- madan Scripture History, was a water-carrier, or a tanner, (almost the lowest of trades) and a very poor man ; ( | ais +2 (clay 3) 5\ Baw ) whereas according to the Jews, he was the son of “a mighty man of power” (1st Sam. Chap. ix. ए. 1.) This might lead us to suppose, that 7i- loot and Saul were distinct individuals ; Saul himself, however, says (पए, 21,) “Am not Ia Benjamite of the smallest of the tribes of Israel ? And my family the least of all the families of the tribe of Benjamin ?” This verse would, I dare say, be quite sufficient to mislead commentators.
Page 79, line 3. ra teense? ८.1) w!—Qoran 8. al-Caff, J. 28, r.9. $ Ibid, line 7. (~ -- From this word, synonymous with eno
which occurs a few lines lower down, is derived the name of the celebrated sword of Amr b. M’adi Karib, styled al-Camgamah, ( Wiisten- feld writes al-cimeamah, but the reading I have adopted is that given by both al-Jawhari and al-Firawzabadi.) The sword, it is stated, was given to the son of M’adi Kanb by ’Alqamah b. Dzi Qinan, a Himya- rite King, and by him to Khilid b. S’aid, in exchange for his wife and some of his tribe whom the latter had taken prisoner, This he did by order of the Prophet, whose instructions were (according to Mohammad b. *Othman b. Ab{ Shaibah, apud Ig4bah,) that he should confine them, if they would not hear the Adzdn. The sword remained in the family of Khflid b. S’aid b. al-’Aag until it was purchased by al-Mahdi, the 24th Khalifah, for 20,000 dirhams.
Ibid, line 15. £ | (^< +} ५2 -- (गा 8. al-Anfal, J. 9, r. 16.
Page 82, line 14. 79) ey By —Ir is singular that (as far as I can discover) no other author has taken particular notice of the prominent part which, according to our author, Dhirdr and his sister played in these campaigns, and still more singular is it that regarding both, there appears to have been some confusion. Ibn Hajar, in his Dict. of the Companions, gives,—-noting at the same time that writers have confounded many—a list of twenty-eight ladies of the name of Khawlah ; of this number how-
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him into it from a Catapulta, yet notwithstanding which, it destroyed four or five thousand men,* but was changed at Abraham’s touch into a garden of roses, narcissus, &c., interspersed with cooling fountains of (iced) water. This legend adopted by Mohammad from the mis- interpretation put by the Jews on the word “ UR” (See Gen. c. xv. ए 7,) is in great favor with all Mokammadans and has furnished them, especially the Persians, with countless allusions
With reference to the passage in the text, I think our author has made a mistake. Bait Lahyah was close to Damascus, and I am not aware that Abrahim’s father ever went there. ‘Now Terah,” says Josephus, “ hating Chaldea on account of his mourning for Haran, they all removed to Haran of Mesopotamia, where Terah died,” Antiq. B. 1, C. IV. 54. See also Gen. Chap. xi. v. 31, 32.
2९ 77, line 5. 2) (9 W—Qorén 8. al-Anfil, J. 9, 1. 16.
Ibid, line 10. ©) © =] 41 —Qorin 8. al-Bagarah, J. 2, r, 17. ^ वई loot,” (Goliath,) says Zamakhshari, “was a strong man of the Amale- kites, the descendants of ’Imliq, (Amalek), the Son of ’Aad. His casque weighed 300 ratls” (a rat was about 1 Ib.) :—See 1 Samuel Chap. xvii. v. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. “Jalcot was killed by David the Son of Jisha (Jesse) who was himself present with the Army of Tiloot accompanied by six of his sons besides David, who made the seventh. He (David) was young and small, and tended the flocks ; and it was revealed unto Samuel that David, the son of Jesse, was the man who should slay Goliath. So he asked him of his father, and as he came, verily he passed on the way three stones, each of which prayed him that he would take them up, saying unto him ‘verily with us shalt thou slay Jfloot.’ He took them, placed them in his sling, and with them he slew Goliath.” Taloot, which
* For the destruction of the men, the Gospel of Barnabas (apxd Sale) is the authority. Arabian Commentators, however, are not out-done, as they state that no bird could fly over the fire, at any height whatsoever, without being destroyed,
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(died A. प. 150,1) al-Dhahhék, (i. €. Ibn Mozéhim died A. H. 102, 5) and al-Kalbi (Mohammad, the father of Hish&m the genealogist died A. H. 146,) all state, that Azar was the name of Abraham’s father, who was also called Tarakh (Terah) as Jacob was named Israel. He dwelt in Kooth4, a town of the country about Koofé. ०१४६ b. Hab- ban, (died at Kabol in the second century of the Hijrah,) and others, state, that Azar was Abrahdm’s father’s nickname ( tw ) his real name being Térakh. Solaiman al-Taimi, (died at Bagrah A. H. 143,) says it was an opprobrious and abusive epithet, signifying in their tongue the crooked $ and it has been said, that the word in the Persian tongue, means a decrepid old man ( deg] ee |). 8०4 b. Mosaiyab, (died A. H. 94,) and Mojahid (died A. H. 100, 1) say that Azar was the name of an idol, for which reason (in the passage of the Korfn in which it occurs,) it is placed in the accusative case, the ellipsis being js] Ud] pr :—Zamakhshari, Baidhawi, Jalal al-Din, &c., do not throw any
light on the subject. Azar, (Adzar jo) ) in Persian means fire, and was the name of the Archangel, who presided over the first month accord- ing to the old, or ninth according to the revised calendar of the ancient Persians. This Adzar was the planet Mars of both the Chaldees and Persians, and it has been surmised by a learned European writer, . that Azar (i. ९. 9 | the Persian word for Fire) was the heathen name of Terah. It will be observed from the extract from the M’a4lim al-Tanzil that an old Arabic writer also says, Azar was the nickname of Abraham’s father. Now the real truth is, that early Arab writers boggled at the word, later authors improved upon their blunders, and for us to confess igno- rance, is much better than to follow their example. Iam surprised how- ever, that as no regard appears to have been paid to the orthography of the word it has not been sought by speculative writers, Mohkam- madan or European, to connect by some means or other, the name Azar (which they confound with Adzar) with the fire of Nimrod, from which Abraham was so miraculously delivered, (See Qoran 8. al-Anbiéa J. 17,r. 5,}—that fire which was so hot, that it was necessary to shoot
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from the confusion of statements with reference to Dhinir’s ancestry, T am unable to certify that such was not the case, yet I think it not improbable that allusion is erroneously made to Malik b. Aws b. ’Atik al-Ancéri, who, with his brother ’Omair, it is stated, was killed at al-Yamamah. Azwar’s name was Malik and his father’s name was Aws, but both were of different families, (See Note p. 48, 1. 18.)
Page 76, line 18. ered] BAI 431 wS—Azar is a person- age not unfrequently alluded to in Mokammadan literature, as well as in their works on divinity. It has been sought by some European writers to show that it was a mistake to suppose that because Moses states that Terah was Abraham’s father, Azar and Terah must have been one and the same individual. Mons. Herbelot, in his Bibl. Orient, p. 12, quoting the Tarikh Montakhab, states that Azar was the son of Terah, and that Arabian genealogists alzoays make a distinction between them. The learned Sale (Qoran, p. 105, Note,) has long since truly re- marked, that if a few authors held such opinions it is by no means true of all Arabic writers : and at the present day we know that some Arabian Genealogists were not over scrupulous in forming their Genealogical Trees, It is proper, however, to remark that there appears to have been some uncertainty on the subject, and in the Borhin (4८1 it is stated that “in Arabic, Azar is the name of Ibrahim’s father ; some, however, say,” conti- nues the Lexicographer, “that Azar was the name of his uncle, his father being called Tarakh, and that after his father’s death Azar brought him up.” It is similarly stated in the Qémoos that Azar was the name of the father or uncle of Abraham. The approved opinion, and that advanced by the oldest and best authorities, however, is, that Azar and Terah were one and the same. We have not, unfortunately,.any very old Commentary on the Qordn, but the following passage from al-Baghawi’s M’adlim al-Tanzil, (S. An’aam J. 7, r. 15,) gives us the opinion of some of the best authorites :—‘ Y’aqoob,” says al-Baghawi, “reads Azaro, but the most usual reading is Azara. It is a foreign name, an invariable noun, and consequently receives Fath in room of Kasrah. Mohammad b. Ishaq,
L
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of £4 sterling, and of silver at 5s. -6d. the sum mentioned in the text would amount to, of gold £2,000, and of silver £275, no insignificant sum for the Arabs of the first century of the Mohkammadan era.
Page 75, line 12. \se's-+—Lahya,—which I take to be the same as Bait Lahya,—the Qamoos states to be a place outside one of the gates of Damascus, ।
Ibid, line 17. £ | $55) , J>>)—This phrase so continually in the mouth of every Moslim is supposed to have peculiar virtue. I am not able satisfactorily to trace it to its origin, but it is related (apud Mishkét from Moslim,) on the authority of S’ad b. Abi Wagqq4c that one day “a certain Arab came to the Prophet and said to him teach me a word (४. ९. a prayer) that I should say it. ‘ Say,’ said the Mes- senger, ‘ There is no God but God, the Only One. He hath no equal, God is great in Majesty. Praise be to God, great (praise.) Glo- ry to God the Lord of (all) worlds. There is no power (i. ¢., power to move) or no strength, but by (the will) of God, the Mighty, the Wise. AW ५] ; IS St a) % (५४9 voy all 9 wld ess 1}; UY 9 ४ 9) Jom » ८.) alll lo | 156 For the last two epithets are more frequently substituted those in the text, viz., - ad ८5 | Aboo Horairah says “The Messenger of God on whom be peace said to me repeat the words, ‘ There is no power or no strength, but by the will of God’ very often, for verily it is of the treasures of Paradise.” The same Companion also relates that the Prophet said that this formula was “a cure for ninety-nine pains (of mind or soul) the least of which was grief.” The Arabs had a certain sign or abbreviated word by which they expressed this formula, viz., Hawlakah ( ८२४, ) Similar to which were blow) for on gi) alll — Basse for pil a dos} — Us for all) «=+ 22 for £ } a} 9} all 9 &८., &e. The verbs tahltl and takbir will be found in frequent usage throughout this work,
Page 76, line 5. £ 1 up] ele oF 5 It is here stated that both Dhirfr’s father and uncle died fighting for the faith. Although
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Page 71, tine 1. Sys!) ८२ yore (55५ b. Réshid (died A. H. 153) was a master of Waqidi, but of M’amar b. al-Harth or the other persons mentioned, I am ignorant.
Page 73, line 8. 2] pao | (> y—By this place I assume is meant al-M’aarrat ` ( ¥ yao] ) or Maarrat al-N’omin by which name it is most generally known. From it we have the patronymic al-M’aarri, as the poet Ess) } ५“ ५९ dos] os yl Ibn Batoofah, who visited the place in A. H. 726-7, says it received its name from the circumstance of a certain Governor of Himg, named N’oman b. Bashir, having lost a son there, or from a mountain of that name which overhung it. Before that, he adds, it was called Dzat al-Qogoor.—The N’oman alluded to by Ibn Batoofah was killed in Syria between Salamyah and Himg A. H. 56.
Ibid, line 13. elas! ५१५ 9 Ssolw—Salamyah was a small city near Himg, but of the Wad{ al-Haist I find no mention. The
first-named city is called by some authors Salamiyah, but I think Sala- myah is the more correct pronunciation, Ibn Khallikén (V. al-Mahdf
१009 Allah) says Woo lsc] ws” ("५ Sarl 4.८. 3) ८. Page 74, line 20. cad 19०५2 »—The word Kifi means a hand-to-hand fight with the sword. Al-Agm’ai (apud the Cihgh of al- Jawharl) says gpd (4.9 = us mor 15} == | ५) Une ५९५ Page 75, line 3. &455l—It is stated by most authors that the Oogiyah was equal to seven Mithgdls and consequently (the Mithgdl being 684 grains,) equivalent to 480 grains, or one ounce. Tbn al- _Athir says the old Oogtyah was equal to 40 dirhams: we must recol- lect, however, that the Arabs had their several weights as we have,— Troy and Apothecaries. In the weight of precious metals, the Oogtyah will be best estimated as stated above by 7 Mithgals or one ounce. Accepting it then as an ounce and taking (though it may not be the present market value) the ounce of gold at the valuation
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to add the following Arabic table of weights which I take from the (8111008,
1, Mithgdl, = 13th Dirhams
1. Dirham, = 6. Déngs, (P.) 1. Déng, = 2. Qirdts.
1. Qirdt, = 2. Tassooj
1. Tassooj, = 2. Habbahs
1. Habbah, = 2,th Dirhams.
Page 69, line 5. = ¢»*iJ|—_Al-Qash’am, according to the Qimoos, means a full grown man or falcon, also, a fierce and savage lion in whieh latter sense it is of course here used.
Ibid, line 19. gl ple (5५ वऽ isnad is not to be found in the Damascus copy, and as I can find (Aamir b. ’Onjorah or ’Onjodah excepted) none of the individuals mentioned in any authority, I assume it is like the others incorrect ; but I find in other works the following sanad of which it is possible, that in the text, may be a distor- tion, Be pt pele ७ ५ ७2 (9 ८.० lem ७२ (> Hishém died A. H. 147, when al-Wagidi would have been 18 years two months old, and ’Aamir b. ’Onjarah was a Companion. Ibn Ishaq and Tbn Hisham (apud Isti’adb) call him Rafi ४. ’Onjodah, under which name he will be found in the Ig4bah. ’Onjodah was Raf’i’s mother, his father being named ’Abd al-Harth.
Ibid, line 20. £ | ५ ९ God Forse >] pss \.J—There appears to be some difference of opinion between authorities as to where Khilid first met Aboo ’Obaidah and his army in Syria. Saif b. ’O’mar al-Tam{mi ( Zabari p. 96,) says the meeting tock place at al- Yarmook.
abari himself (p. 123) states that they met at Bocr4, and from the ac- count of Aboo Zaid Omar b. Shabbah, it would appear that he coincides with our author jlud spa, Kalo J eee’? (2०५ WE ols 1. 9 59° aslo The account of the meeting of the two chiefs as given here is somewhat inconsistent with the style of Khélid’s first letter to the Amfn al-’Ommat (see my remarks p. 40 ¢. 17 note.)
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was as follows :—M’oidz b Jabal on the right; S’aid b. कद्वो 0 Hidzyam al-Qorashi on the left ; S’aid b. Zaid b. ’Amr in command of the Cavalry ; and Aboo ’Obaidah of the Infantry. Khialid’s duty it is stated was to be everywhere, encouraging and inspiriting the troops. The ladies were formed up in the rear, as a reserve, to fight as a matter of course, if necessary ; but with particular instructions to make good use of that weapon, frequently so sharp, and sometimes used with such effect by their sex, in pouring out a torrent of derisive abuse on any Moslim, who should so far forget himself as to turn his back on the foe.
Page 60, tine 13. p!) ८७ ude Ile Jus] 3 ५० does not appear that any mention whatever is made by other writers on the subject of these fights of Izrail or Kaloog. The single combats, &c., and other matters, the detail of which occupies here, considerable space, and which, to judge from the usual style of early Arabic historians, would be circumstances deserving of particular attention, are, as far as I am aware, unnoticed.
Page 65, line 14. ra | Lia Ss] 3—This and the following hemis- tich are only to be found in the Kanpoor copy. For the rest the MSS. agree with the exception of the last hemistich in which, in the Damascus copy, the word ५८9 is substituted for ey
Page 66, line 21 Sul) f ५45८-1 phrase, as expressed in this passage, I have never before met, and of its precise meaning I am very doubtful. Both the Q&moos and the Cihah give the term Omm al-Ras, but no examples of its application. With the word Omm in construc- tion are formed almost innumerable metonomycal figures. A reference to the Qémoos (Art Omm) will satisfy the curious, should any desire to know them.
Page 67, line 13. (0 —3/|—The Mithgdl may be either a coin or a weight. As a weight it was equivalent to 13 dirhams (Pers, dirm) and the dirham again was equal to 12 Carats ( byl ) Now estimating the Mithgdl as equal to 684 grains 1,000 Mithgdls would equal 68,570 grains or £520. It may not be unprofitable
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(see p. 144). The details with reference to this standard given by Heraclius when dispatching Wardén (see page 73), coincide re- markably with the account of Eusebius. ‘He gave him,” says our author, “a golden cross, the sides of which were set with rubies of priceless worth, and said to him ‘ when thou meetest the enemy, place it before you ; for verily it will assist you.’” With reference to the argu- ments for and against Eusebius’ account of Constantine’s vision I cannot, of course, here enter upon them :—The curious may consult Lardiner, Vol. IV., p. 152 and seqr.
Page 57, line 9. ०६-..०> 2५ ५ ५41 | =) | पणम) was & city of some importance situated at the northern extremity of the range of mountains called jabal al-shargi, between Himg and B’alabakka. B’alabakk4 (the Heliopolis of the Greeks,) is too well known to need notice : it will be found correctly placed on most charts, (see Burckhardt’s Syria, pp. 10, 11, 12, &c.)
Ibid, line 18. & \ai5__That gintdriyah here means a spear, is evident from the context in this, as in others passages, throughout the book. I am inclined tothink I have met it similarly used in other Oriental works: yet itis singular that the Qimoos, the Cih4h, and other Lex- icons do not give this definition for the word. It occurs in the Qorén three times, but only in its ordinary and most usual sense, viz., “a weight or measure,”—generally of silver or gold. | |
Page 58, line 17. \2|06)) delywe 5)3:—I do not find that Ibn Ishaq, or Saif b ’Omar, in their accounts of the taking of al-Yamémah and death of Mosailimah, have taken any particular notice of the coat of mail, which is alluded to here, and once or twice subsequently in this work. It will be observed from the foot note, that in both MSS., Mosailimah is called the son of Qais :—See note p. 2, ९. 1.
Page 59, line 2. ५५१८] aly) w\S—Qoran 8. al-Tawbah J. 11, r. 3.
Ibid, line 7. न=] ५15 —5)—The disposition of the Mos- lim forces here, is somewhat differently described by Aboo Isma’ifl. He says (apud his Fotook p. 83,) that Khalid drew out his army in the same order as that which had been observed at the battle of Ajnddain, which
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Page 57, line 4. (->-<+ १, Selo} lal} ¢ 33—From fre- quent passages, in this, as well as many other works, it appears evidently to have been the opinion of the Moslims, that the Christians thought the virtue and power of assistance alluded to in the text, lay in the cross itself. Nor were they far wrong, for whatever controversies may have taken place, what- ever treatises may have been written to prove the contrary, we have abundant proof from the writings of Greek and Roman authors, that such was the opinion of the Christians of the age ; and the admission of the fact that up to so late a period as the Seventeenth Century, Bishops disclaimed the heresy of adoring the wood, is quite sufficient to show, that if not orthodox, the practice existed. The cross seems first to have been used as a standard by the Emperor Constantine, and the circumstance which led to his veneration for it, as related (apud Rees’ Cyclp) by Eusebius (lib. 1., C. 27, 28, 29, 30,) are so strongly corroborative of the correctness of the directions put into the mouth of Heraclius, and other Christian chiefs, by our author, that I cannot forbear noticing it. Constantine, it is said, on proceeding to war with Maxentius, about A. D. 311, having ob- served the ill-success of idolators, deliberated regarding the selection of a God who would aid him. He made choice of the God of the Christians ; and calling on him to assist him in his difficulties, “about noon,” says Eusebius on the authority of Constantine himself, ‘when the day was declining, he saw with his own eyes in the heavens, the tro- । phy of the Cross, placed above the sun, consisting of light with an inscription annexed, 7५7७ vxa, BY THIS CONQUER.” This cross, he relates, was seen by the whole of Constantine’s Army, and while he was in deliberation as to the meaning of the sign, Christ appeared to him in a dream, showing him the same sign, and directing him to make one resembling it, and “ to use it as a defence in the battle with his enemies.” The standard was made, and is described as follows :— “Tn a crown of gold, at the top of the cross, was a figure consisting of the two first letters of the name of Christ according to the Greek orthogra- phy.” It was called Jabarwim, and this, I assume, is the ० al-askham al-@’azam, so frequently mentioned in these pages, and the loss of which appears to have been considered so great a misfortune to the Christians
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BSC ७०५ 1 im ४१०) (८59) ८. 594; JES Wc all] us*) ७5 ude (+ all sal) lead! ) 25५ (ॐ (2) Now, without asserting that Mohammad was not covered up on this, or any other occasion, in consequence of illness, I would draw attention to the fact that in this Hadith, it is stated “they covered him up until fear had departed from him,” and the Prophet himself says “I was afraid of my life.” This Hadith, though the correctness of it has been doubted, is, notwithstanding, to be found also in Moslim, the same words “until fear ( 21) ) had left him” being used. Fear then, it would appear, had something to do with the “covering up” in this instance, and I am inclined to think that the words wy ८५ should be ८539 द; | or (9 as the context would require, and that our author not understanding the passage, or thinking it absurd, improved upon it. Such, - however, is mere speculation, and I wish to claim for such surmises no further confidence than the reader feels disposed to repose in them. And I must confess, that had I found the foreign words used by Aboo 180६1 and Ibn Ishaq, instead of by our, more doubtful, author, I should not have hesitated to reverse the order of the argument, and thus account for the absurd story related by the two elder Historians.
Page 55, line 2. ra | pw ws _yoe—Of M’amar b Sélim or his grandfather, no notice is to be found. The grandfather's name is not mentioned in the Damascus copy.
Tid, line 16, gp!) a) dos'l_Qorén S. Fatihah, J. 1, x. 1.
कष्य „+ =» © ५19० D5 —Qorén S. al-Ikhlag, J. 30, r. 87.
Page 56, line 8. © 2४|| & S\—Tt is similarly related by Aboo Ism4’iil in his Fotooh (p. 72,) that this place was named Thani- yat al-’Ogab from the circumstance mentioned in the text. That author, says the ’Oqib, was white, but it will have been seen (Note p. 24 I. 7.,) that opinions regarding the color of this standard were rather conflicting. Aboo Ism4’ifl’s account of the Dair is also corroborative of that in the text. He specifies, moreover, (p. 81,) its distance from Damascus MY JAE Gated ST 10 ७ ९.५1 pel ५५9} ८९५८ yy! od 9) MIS pd gb ; Ap ०) ८६ ५५५५ spd 4 } juss Wy) ५.५
व AT gl Loe Se ule gros ७०.०० 0 (9५ ol ८५:
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nor is the word as far as I can discover Hebrew, Chaldaic, or Syriac. In the Fotook of Aboo Ismi’iil (p. 208) I find it stated that at the battle of Yarmook, al-Darnajér, through fright, ordered his frends to
cover him up ( द | ) that he might not see the dreaded Moslims :— > (=) 1 ५; Neal ad) ५ 5९३ ।५ ८ JU JS ; PUL sab are 1 ०२} 592 (5७1 re ५.5) eas wLE sy ५.० F gw 7 fat.) 3 ५.५ 1१-<3 1 3 peste ~> } | 3
४०५६ ह | &x6 A similar, or more probably the same, occur- rence is related by Ibn Ishaq as having taken place at the battle of
Ajnédain. 1 oJ pal Js pprolued) Jus of usy Le pa) sly Lbs ५1) (5 aly) ७) em 9 reel py ८५ ९ “+ at ISG ~+ use) weds 4}; daly ०] pa JG pill 1५2 os? dat} Lo] us? Now there is something so preposterously rediculous about these stories, that I cannot altogether divest my mind of the idea that the “ covering up” has something to do with a custom, practice, or superstition probably, of the early Arabs, with which European and later Mohammadan writers were ignorant ; or the latter have wilfully misinterpreted the meaning of words, The origin of the entitling of the Soorahs of the Qoran, “The wrapped up” ( र} ) and “The Covered” ( ५41} ) is still, —notwith- standing the explanations of the several Commentators,—a mystery. It has centuries ago, been asserted by able writers such as Hottinzer, Maracci, Gagnier, &c., and not without reason, that the ‘ wrapping up” was in con- sequence of illness, or remedial of a malady with which the Prophet was afflicted. Indeed I may say it has been almost demonstrated by Dr. Sprenger, in his “ Life of Mohammad,” that the Prophet was subject to fits. Yet we have no direct evidence to prove the fact. Let us hear what al-Zohri (died A. H. 124) I may say our oldest writer, relates (apud the Cahth of al-Bokhéri,) from ’Orwah, on the authority of
*Adyishah. After detailing the oft-told story of the vision in which
Mohammad was ordered by Gabriel to read, he continues \¢s$ ty
dbs. ce) bs ude us 3 ५195 D> >} prlo al | Jy) K
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camel, which is a Persian word. Al-Marzbéni in his M’ojam al-Sh’oréa (apud Igabah) says ay? <>, by 0 ५ pas) 421; (~+ ७४ Nghe pits aise iJ) (= Zale) (~ duly ile 99] Page 53, line 12.—The Bornos (Spanish albornoz) al-Jawhari, the lexicographer, describes simply as a tall head-dress, or cap, worn by devo- tees in the beginning of Islim Sin!) ८८ ; 22, २१. als (१.५२) ५०५5 (>. but in the Qimoos the word is defined as being also a long dress or cloak, which is evidently the sense in which it must be taken here. Ibn al-Athfr, in his Nihayah, gives a somewhat similar, definition. He says (1 | haw et ५ pace 9) bam 3) dela aye dy pile Abe duly yh JS gh # gly Uf ४४ 5) This definition I find from a passage in the Mashériq al- Anwar he has adopted from al-Khalil b. Ahmad, an early Lexicographer and Grammarian who died A. H. 170 or 175 (see Ibn Khallikan No. 219), and consequently we may assume it to be correct. He is not so happy in his idea of the derivation of this word which he says
is derived from birs, cotton, we! 5 ८५४२ | ‰ | pak Urry of? » 3 ४५२) It is fair, however, to mention, that doubting, himself, the cor- rectness of this derivation, he states that others have said the word may be foreign, and in this he is very probably correct.
Page 54 line 8. ७१५ ७५१५-९ word lafoon, (or alfoon as it is invariably written in the Kanpoor MS.) being foreign, I might, referring to my remarks at p. 9, |. 4, pass it over in silence. The nearest approach to the word of the two readings I assume is that in the text ; the addition of the alif and lam is suggestive of the idea that the Arabic definite article had been made use of. We might judging from the context naturally seek the derivation of this word in the root or origin of our Eng- lish words “ Leave” or = ^ Life,” and it isa somewhat singular coin- cidence that in many languages there appears to be a strong affinity between the two. In Saxon the verb leofan signifies both to leave and to live. ‘The Greek would of course be the most natural language in which to seek the word, but I cannot find in Agu the desired affinity
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helmet, is not Arabic. It is the plural of (१, which will be found 7 most Persian Dictionaries, yet I should not think the word was of Persian origin.
Page 52, line 6. ४). us? Hs 3—Of the names mentioned here, all are unknown to me, nor with the exception of ’Alyi b. Rifé’ah, and *Ibad b. Bishr, can I find mention of any such in any oriental work. Of the former name, I find but one individual, a Companion, and of him no- thing is related in connection with this campaign. Of the latter there are two, but neither would appear to have taken part in the Syrian wars, one it is stated was killed in al-Yamamah. Of M’amar b. Rashid (or N’oaim as in one copy the name is written,) I can find no notice. This was the name of a master of al-Wagidi, but of no Companion that I am aware of.
Page 52, line 11. +) WSe_Malik b. al-Harth b. ’Abd Yaghooth al-Nakh’af commonly called al-Ashtar, was, it is allowed a Companion of the Prophet, but I do not find that he is noticed as taking a very leading part in the early years of Islam. He was a chief of his tribe and a ludicrous scene is related by Aboo Ismail (see his Footoh p. 216) which is said to have taken place at the battle of al- Yarmook be- tween him and Qinan b. Darim, in which he asserted his superior right to command. At this battle he behaved very gallantly (see Aboo Ismail, p. 210, also Saif’s account apud Tabari v. ii. p. 106) engaging and killing several of the enemy in single combat. He received however asevere wound on the head, and lost an eye (Ibn Qotaibah, p. 236, Ic4bah, &c.)) He was afterwards present at the battle of ‘the Camel,” and performed prodigious feats of valour at Ciffin where he fought on the side of ’Alyi. ’Alyi, in return for his services, subsequently appointed him Governor of Egypt, but he did not live to assume the reins of government ; he died on his road thither on the borders of the Red Sea from the effects of poison. In the Fadhail al-Bahirah (fi mahdsin Micr wa al-Qéhirah,) it is stated that al- Ash- tar was poisoned at the instigation of M’oawiyah. He was given the sobri- quet of al-Ashtar at the battle of Yarmook in allusion to the wound he there received from which he lost his eye. The word is derived from shatar “the relaxation of the eyelids,” and not, as I have seen it stated, from shotor, a
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pride and haughtiness one over the other. —The man says ’Omar then departed, and we remained silent for some time. At last the Pro- phet himself said to me ‘Did you recognize the interrogater? I replied, ‘God and his Messenger know (I ५0 ' ००१.) ‘That,’ said the Prophet, ‘was (no less a personage than) Gabriel, who came to teach you your religion’ (q Hadith of Omar apud Mishkat B. I. p. 33, from Moslim.) Al-Bokharf also relates this Hadith, but not from "णक, and the same I find, with some slight difference, is subsequently given by both, on the authority of Aboo Horairah. With reference to the stoning it may perhaps be as well to add the following Hadtth which is to be found in five of the great canonical works. “It is not lawful to shed the blood of any Moslim, who testifies that there is no God but God and that I am the Messenger of God, but for one of three things. “ An Adulterer.” “ A Murderer” and “an Apostate,” 4p | ee j= 9 wand Uodal 9} al] Jo) ५.51 9 AU 9 a] 9 ५) ५५ (ग
&८
Page 50 line 5. gst yw | dew! 5—In one copy as will be seen by the foot note this name is written Dairhan, and itis as frequently written in both copies al-Darijan, al-Darba/h&n, or al-Darinjan ; but the word being foreign I suppose our author, and his several copyists must be held excus- able. Aboo Ismail, meaning apparently the same individual, writes al- Darnajar and Ibn Ishaq al-Qangalér. From a passage in the former wn- ter’s book, however, the word would appear to have signified a rank, title, or designation. He says p. 93. Ne) ५9 Js ८१) = 0५ ~ ५४ 3 | pols) 3 ५.39 ४, 196 3 wd) Zero ude From passages also in this book the supposition would be confirmed .y* ७) 20५ Gay ass] ॥ ५.२. ७५.४०.०) dow! ४ | (. 109 :—See also p. 106, line 13.) As Arab authors were not Greek scholars, it is not surprising that we should find such errors ; 1४ is to be regretted we cannot always correct them. `
Page 52, line 2. yy | This word which means a standard or ensign, and also a streamer tied on the head of the spear or top of the
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may, with advantage perhaps to many, give Mohammad’s own opinion on the leading features of his religion, as briefly expressed by him in a con- versation he one day had with the angel Gabriel, who, in human form, came and sat with him in company with some of his followers. “We were one day,” says Omar the Khalifah, “sitting with the Messenger of God, when a certain man appeared among us, dressed in pure white, with jet black hair. There did not appear to be on his person the slightest signs of travel, and not one of us knew him. He advanced until he reached the Prophet, where he sat down, and joining his knees with those (of the Messenger) placed his open hands on the Prophet’s thighs. (Having thus seated himself,) he said ‘OQ Mohammad, Tell me regarding अष), (what is it 2) He (the Prophet) replied :—‘ Isl4m is that thou shouldst bear witness that there is no God but God, and that Mohammad is his Messenger ; that thou shouldst rightly perform (the pre- scribed ) devotions ; ( ¥ gla! | ei 3 ) that thou shouldst pay the (legal) tithe ; that thou shouldst fast the Ramdhan; and that thou shouldst, if it be in thy power, perform a pilgrimage to the (Holy) House’ [i. e., the Kabah. | « Thou hast rightly answered’ (said the man). “We all,” continues "Omar, “ wondered exceedingly at this, that the in- quirer should justify the words of the expounder. He (the man) again said, ‘ Tell me of Im4n (what is it ?)’ ^ It is,’ said the Prophet, ‘ that thou shouldst believe in God, his angels, his (sacred) Books, his Messengers, and the last day ; and that thou shouldst believe in the appointment by him of all good and all evil [४ ९, in predestination]. ‘Thou hast rightly answered (said the man). ‘ Now tell me of isdn [i. ९) Beneficence] (what is it ?)’ ‘It is,’ said the Prophet, ‘that thou shouldst worship God as though you beheld him, for if thou seest Him not (rest assured,) He seest you.’ ‘Thou has answered rightly’ (said the man). ‘ Will you now tell me of the hour (of the Resurrection?) ‘The inquired of,’ said the Prophet, ‘is not more knowing (on this head) than the inquirer. (Welt) tell me regarding its signs’ (said the man, what are they ?) ‘That the female slaves’ answered Mohammad, ‘ should bear their own masters; [%. ¢., that free men should prefer concubinage to marriage, | and that the shoeless, the naked, and tenders of flocks, should exhibit
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whom, as far as I can discover, no biographical notice is to be found. Should the above sanad be that of al-Qodami, he must, of necessity, have been one of the earliest writers regarding these wars, and we might fix his period to be between the years A. H. 125, and A. H. 200, without the fear of being very much, if in the least, atfault ; but I find in Aboo Ismaiil’s ए ०४००४ (pp. 66 70) some matters very similarly related, and strange to say on the authority of the very same sanad. The conclusions to be drawn from these premises are that both authors were contemporary, that both copied from a still earlier Historian, or that one took from the other’s book. As I have but this single extract, however, received through a series of writers to guide me, I have not thought it sufficient authority whereon to fix al-Qodami’s period.*
Page 48, line 21. ८१29] pile (२ yy¢d-°—This name in like manner is incorrectly given. The true name as will have been seen in the extract given above from Aboo Isma’iil’s book is ५४५ ८८ 19०५५ col 1 8४. Omar ( Zabari p. 98,) says Madz’ooor commanded a squadron of horse at the battle of Yarmook. He also makes mention of him as being present in the campaign in गात्. Ibn Hajar has given him a place in his Biographical Dictionary of the Companions, including him among those of the first rank, 7. e., those of whose companionship there can possibly be no doubt, but there appears to be excellent proof that he never even saw the Prophet :—See Fotooh of Aboo Ism@’iil, Pp 52. It was under the supposition that none but Companions were per- mitted to hold commands in this campain, I assume, that the Biographer has dignified Madz’ooor.
Page 49, line 12. pl) ९ (5 (== Ji) J—In the following conversation the leading points of the religion of Isl4m are set forth. It is worthy of remark that Khélid distinctly says that adulterers should be stoned. Controversies on the once extant, but erased verse of the Qoran on this subject have been numerous, (see my note Fotooh of Aboo [४1 p. 104.) It is unnecessary to notice them here, but I
* See Preface, pp. 6, 7.
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9 Ged oid det <> ५ yl pill >+ ९5 gel Ji) Ss upd] 9 ४, Kee! Ud | ०५) dial] of MS ५) which statement is corroborated by Aboo Ism@’iil (p. 81). Ibn Aboo Khaitha- mah, on the authority of Mos’ab al-Zobairi, states that Abd al-Rahm4n and Cafwdn, above mentioned, were half brothers, their mother being Cafiyah bt. M’amar b. Habib al-Jomahi Page 48, line 20. ésc on leertines|—There is no such person as al-Mosaiyab b. ’Otbah to be found in the Biographical works of Ibn Qotaibah, Ibn Hajar, Ibn ’Abd al-Barr, al-Dzohab{, or Ibn Khallikén. The name should be, there is no doubt, al-Mosaiyab b. Najbah which name will be found at page 51. Inthe Ic4bah there are two Companions mentioned of this name which, however, appear to be one and the same individual or 3 A>» {2.9 x ly wy | eu += of eer tunel } ८1 BF ७7 + ७? DB ८.7 Ar ot TY ot BY 3 -- ५“ os) $3 १३ ९। Gly) 22 ; Bs ND) gh ५५ ; (10५) 9 (~~ ‹ 5 «० ५९ ७“ wo NG ay) ५८ ^~ cs! unl JY sr 9 ०५-०~ ५.५ oes! | With regard to the other al-Mosaiyab we have an extract from Ibn al-’Asakir who has taken it from the Fotook of पवा, ८ += ८२ AU due ¥ SSS] 9) A Sle ८ JU ८८ PS ८ <=} ५ 5५ SU, pL) © ५ 9 geld] deny) dy | of ACS eo wy enue} ws Jv (> we! of Us ८०० BY) ५५५ ¬= mel ८. 9) 9) = ८.० 156 , wr? += (Sic.) ५५.०५ ८.० 3 Moy pruned ) dle ur >= ५ 5 ail) 5 apy ell ७ 3 += ८/२ (~| eth’ Bry ५५८५० hid] ८.5८; erties] १४ ye ५5८ ५1८ ee’ BLAU += ८; ८. 74 uy? te) pI] This passage is of great importance and serves well to show the very great value to be placed on a correct sanad. From this short extract found in the work of an author who died A. H. 852, taken by an earlier writer who died A. H. 571, from a third his-
torian’s work, we are at once—supposing the extract to be correctly made —able to define the exact period in which this early writer lived, of
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८१५८१ (+ ८.2 ~ ७0 448 ९ + pt (~= Up Cpldye but admits there was a difference of opinion on the point, and adds that given above by Ibn al-Hajar. I observe from the authorities quoted in these two authors’ works, that the opinions of the best writers were very conflicting regarding the period and place of Dhirar’s death. Al-Wagidi says he was killed at al-Yamamah, Moosa b. ’Oqbah, and Aboo N’oaim states that he became a martyr at the battle of Ajnédain, while others say he was present at the taking of Damascus and battle of al- Yarmook. And al-Bokhari, in his Tarikh, says that he was not alive on the receipt of ’Omar’s letter (that is I suppose his first letter to Aboo ’Obaidah after he assumed the reins of Government.) From such a confusion of state- ments it is difficult to determine much. Ibn Hajar surmises that Dhi- rar b. al-Azwar and Dhir&r b. al-Khaét4b have been confounded, and this is not improbable. It is evident that Ibn ’Abd al-Barr has made some such blunder as he gives to both the same pedigree. Ibn Qotaibah only notices Dhirfr b. al-Khattéb, but Aboo 1४1] al-Azdi and Saif b’Omar, both older authors than any mentioned (Moosa b. ’Oqbah [died “A. H. 141,] excepted) make frequent mention of Dhir4r b. al-Azwar as being engaged in this campaign. Both authors (Aboo Isma’ifl p. 43, Saif apud Tabari p. 50,) state, besides, that Dhirér b. al-Khattéb was also present. Dhirdr b. al-Azwar, it would appear, was of the Banoo Asad, and not of the Zay{ Tribe as supposed by Hamakar (Expugnat. Memph. N. p. 145, Seq.)
Page 48, line 19. = | Show of ory) loxc__This name is invariably written as in the text throughout both MSS. and the Tar- §kh al-Hoshaibari. ’Abd al-Rahmin b. Hanbal is, I have little doubt, the person meant. A short or badly formed /ém would present the appear- ance of a ddl which would account for the mistake, (see Preface pp. 13, 14, and Notes p. 60,) ’Abd al-Rahmén was a mavld of the Banoo Jo- mahj ; his father originally came from Yaman to Makkah where ’Abd al-Rahman and his brother Kaladah, both servants of Cafwan b. Omai- yah were born. Al-Qodmt in his Fotooh al-Sham (apud Icébah) says he was the man who brought the news of the battle of Ajnddain to Aboo Bakr
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against the rebels in Yamémah, those of al-’Iréq and Syria, and was also present at the battle of “al-Jamal,” called so from the camel of "Aayishah named ’Askar, mounted on which she ranged the field of battle, inspiriting and encouraging her troops. He died suddenly at Abshi, a hill six or eight miles from Makkah, about A. H. 55. I say about, for Ibn S’ad and others make it A. H. 54, Yahy&, A. H. 54, Aboo N’oaim A. H. 59, Habban A. H. 58, and al-Bokhari states that he died before ’Aayishah, and after S’ad. Such is the confusion with reference
to the dates of almost all circumstances connected with the early period of Mokammadan History,
Page 48, line 16. £ | Brand] Ss? ale eo 3—The names here detailed are, without exception, incorrect, but being similar in both copies and Hoshaibari (with the exception of al-Mosaiyab and Madz’ooor, which occur only in the Damascus copy) I am unable to correct them, (See remarks at pages 13, 14 of Preface, and page 60 of Notes.) The fol- lowing passage from the Fotooh of Aboo Ismé’ifl (p. 70) will enable the reader to correct the names of the whole of the individuals mentioned rer >| yp of BY Wiese ude rm e (५.25 ५1. ¬= : Jim ७ ध ore Slo! gle g 0) ८ 1 Wyte dle ८; 3 4 += of ८५.५५७. | ० ude Je als. ews 9 छि २, ॥
£ | colar | ५ 64 of 1924०
Ibid, line 17. (१४ or Jy! ws J!ly’—In no authority can I find that Dhirar’s grandfather or great-grandfather (for he will sub- sequently be called Dhirér b. al-Azwar b. Sinfn b. Tariq) was named Tariq; and it is singular, that there appears to have been some uncertainty regarding the pedigree of a personage who seems to have taken so leading a part in these wars. Ibn Hajar gives it as follows: at U3! ८2 Me क pul 9 9 ८ 12 ५ ८ hy opt ES ७ be op dey ८ 2; 29 y! Sow) Bas po we Ibn ’Add al-Barr, on the contrary, 8ives him a very different line of ancestry. He says :—,,’ 099) op dlre
I
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in these wars, where he seems to have played so conspicuous a part. They are unanimous, however, in relating a romantic tale regarding him, which, though somewhat irrelevant, I cannot pass over in silence :—It is stated, that ina mercantile expedition to Syria, he had once seen a very beautiful Christian girl named Laila, the daughter of Joodf, a nobleman of the city of Damascus, of the christianized tribe of Ghassin. Of this lady he became deeply enamoured, and, lover-like, made known to his countrymen the ardour of his passion, and the consequent height of his distraction at his separation from the object of his love, in a poem which gained considerable celebrity. The Khalffah ’Omar, admiring either his verses, the warmth of his passion (though for a Kdfirah ?) or, more probably, in return for the zeal displayed by him in the cause of Islém, issued orders that in the Syrian campaign, whoever should capture the beautiful Lailé she should be held to be the prize of ’Abd al- Rahmfn ; and to render this order of the Khalifah legal, he must have been one of the combatants at the taking of Damascus. Be that as it may, however, the lady was captured, and duly made over to Abd al-Rah- man in whose harem she was safely enstalled. Her lover, we are told, loved her with a.love that exceeded all bounds; so much so that his sister, the bigoted ’Aayishah, rebuked him with much asperity for so far forgetting himself as to display such affection for any Kdfirahk. But while the god of Love held sway, her remonstrances were of no avail, her enraptured brother replying, “ By my eyes, O sister, I drink nectar from her beauteous teeth, very pomegranate seeds in their loveliness.” The sequel however, as related by historians, is not flattering to the gallantry of the Arab, for “subsequently (stung by his conscience I suppose) he behaved towards her with such extreme harshness that Lailé begged of ’Afyishah to intercede for her. This ’Adyishah did, saying ‘Cannot you, O brother, steer 8 medium course ? Her remonstrances this time, were listened to with less impatience ; the fire of ’Abd al- Rahmin’s passion had been extinguished, and Lail4 was returned to her tribe. (I¢abah, 15088), Tadzhib al-Tahdzib, &c. &c.) “Abd al-Rafmén fought on the side of the infidels at the battles of Badr and Ohad, and pro- fessed the faith at al-Hodaibiyah. He afterwards served in the campaign
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- The controversies of Commentators, with regard to the word, are sug gestive of the idea that it is foreign —It might be Badawyf, but I should think not. Ihave assuredly seen it stated somewhere that it was a Himyarite word, but I am 80 unfortunate as to be unable to call it now to mind. The most natural supposition from this point of view, is that suggested by the context in some of the passages in which it occurs, and the remarks of the Commentators themselves, viz., that the word is He- brew, but ON, from the root ON, with its derivatives sx &c., the Chaldaic 339, and Syriac |\oj, are all, apparently, borrowed from the
Arabic ‘ 1. Dr. Sprenger, inhis Life of Mohammad (p. 101), has adopted one of the derivations given to the word by Moslim writers, and thinks that it means Gentile. In Arabic I do not think the word Ommyfcould have had that signification, and in Hebrew the words py as if pd and sp (Natio, gens, populus,) cannot, that I am aware of, be so interpreted. To make the word signify a Gentile, it would be necessary, I fear, to seek its derivation in My (A. (~ ) generally used in the plural, which, although in Scripture it usually signifies the contrary (Deut. xxxiii 3, 19,) may, with the article prefixed, be synonymous with p74 and mean the Gentiles.
Page 47, line 8. |p) ८२५ Ys) W—Qorin 8. AImrén, J. 4, 7, 2.
Page 47, line 11. pty) ८९ °> can find no Companion or T4b’'i of this name. It has probably undergone some transformation as I observe, that in one or two places subsequently, the same man is called, in the Damascus copy, Saif. 0. Rogim, and in A&shaibari, Sofyan b Majid. Neither of these changes, however, have assisted me in discover- ing the real individual
Page 48, line 4. - 5% ५ $) up omy] dke—Abd al-Rakmin’s mother was Omm Roomfn, so consequently he was own brother to the celebrated ’AAyishah, the well-beloved, and only virgin wife, of the Pro- phet. Aboo [भण] makes frequent mention of him in his Fotoof, and from most accounts, he appears to have been a brave and valiant youth. It is strange that Biographers, in noticing him, are silent as to his exploits
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that which is the least forced of all those advanced is, that the word is derived from Omm a mother of which it is the noun-relative. Al-Baghawi on the word Ommytin states (34 26 3) ८ | gute vs! ~> 4] 555 9) RUS (५२ 1 ad yo Jail be Je and might add many quotations on this head, but I have already continued this note to a very considerable length. To sum up, I would state that there appears to me no doubt whatever, that it was the opinion of Mohammad (which is all we have to do with,) that the term Ommyf was applied to the Arabs in con- sequence of their rude state, and his idea of the sense of it, he has him- self given us in the Hadith above quoted. That the early Arabs were an untutored race, if we can place any dependance whatever on Arabian authors, is patent to the world. We know that the art of writing was first introduced into Upper Arabia, from al-Hirah, at a very late period. Al-Acm’af, (apud Ibn Qotaibah, p. 274,) states that Aboo Sofy&n b. Omaiyah, and Aboo Qais b.’Abd Manaf, were the first of the Qorashites who learned how to write ; and that they taught all the other Makkiyans. It is related, and will be mentioned in this very book, that in the early Moslim wars, the Arabs made Jewish prisoners purchase their lives by teaching writing. That Mohammad himself, before his Mission, could neither read or write, whatever sceptical heretics, or presumptuous kd/irs may say to the contrary, is proved incontestably, and to the perfect satisfac- tion of every orthodox Moslim. For—to use an eastern form of expression —hath not the Most High in his excellent Book said :—‘“ ‘Thou couldst not, prior to this, read any book, nor couldst thou write it with thy right (hand.”) Sitar ahi? J, ois oy? ०4 ye 19 Lisle 5 (Qo- ran 8. al-’Ankaboot J. 21, 7. 2.) It is palpably evident then, that Mo- hammad, if not ignorant, wished to appear so, and thus obtain for his composi- tion, the Qoran, the celebrity of a miracle. He has told us so himself in the second chapter of the Book (S. al-Baqarah J. 1, r. 3,) wherein he challenges his enemies to produce any thing equal to it.
And to me itis plain, that in Moslim Scriptures, and theological works, the word Ommy{ means simply “ Arab,” and that it is only when applied to others, as the Jews, or in positions that it cannot bear this interpretation’ that it is to be taken in its derivative or literal sense of “ uneducated.”
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explanation thereof, must suffice 40} 4+] 445) Laie ८५.2५1 | ass , ( ५६५) 2५ , ६ 5 ea 6 2 | 0) yydoIl 3 pa) Jus in which sense he adds, “the Most High hath said git) । 55 Wwe cor ४9५८) |
With regard to Lexicographers, they are, I believe, unanimous in defin- inz the word “uneducated.” But it is not the sense, but the deri- vation of the word, about which, Arabian Commentators and other learn- ed writers seem to have been somewhat puzzled. Some derive it from the word Omm the “source,” “root,” or “ origin” of any thing, for which reason, say they, Makkah was called Omm al-Qord, the Sacred Tablet ( %ya= 91 ) Omm al-Kitéh, and Mohammad (par excellence I suppose) al-Ommyf, the source of all existing creatures, the first of created beings, and for whom all creation was made ५०2. LJ SY y Pam § (Bakr al-Haqaiq apud Tafsir Hosaini.) These arguments do not seem to strengthen the position they are intended to uphold, yet, without entering on the subject, I may be permitted to remark, for the benefit of the curious and speculative reader, on the strange similarity, in sound, of this word “ OMM” with the monosyllabic, ¢riiteral, and awfully mystic, symbalof the Hindoo Deity “OM” ( खम )* It is singular also that the derivation of the Hebrew words Yah, Vahowah (Jehovah) &. >) A + should have so puzzled philologers, and that the celebrated passage WH नभर ‘WIN (Exodus. LIT. v.14,) should yet be unsatisfactorily explained. 1४ has been, many years since, sought by ingenious writers to connect the Sanskrita monosyllable, with the Hebrew, with what suceess I will not give an opinion :—But to return to the word under notice
Other Mokammadan authors derive it from Ommat ६.०] «८8 sect by dropping the final ¢ [¢.e., of Mohammad] 4+] ५45 ५) om Js, 9) sl \ 55 ७13 2.. oS Aun] ५5 SL) ५.६. ५ 5०] alo} [ Jes] glee ] ५ 5१५ | But the most generally received opinion, and
* See Institutes of Menu, Chap. II. No. 76, &e. &c.
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p. 374.) As it might be objected, however, that ’Abd al-/Haqq is too modern a writer to be an authority, it may not be amiss to add the opi- nion of Ibn al-’Abbas, a Companion and Commentator, (died A. प्र, 68,) who says (apud M’adlim al-Tanzil) “He is your Prophet, He was an Ommyt who neither (knew how to) write, read, nor calculate” व. 9 3 5 yity J 3 ५ 9 Ly] ७४ p> ~ But why cone sult the opinions of his Companions, when the Great Moslim himself has defined the word for us? ‘We are,” says the Prophet, “a sect of Om- myls, we neither (know how to) write nor calculate ber 9 dio} Lo} ५] ५) 3 The Hadith of which this is a portion, is given complete in Moslim and al-Nasé{f, and abridged inal-Bokhari and (al-Tirmidzi excepted) the other canonical Books. The author of the Mashariq al- Anwéar (died A. H. 544,)—who wrote his work for the especial purpose of noticing the important Hadith to be found in the Mowaéé4 and the Cahfhs of al-Bokh4ri and Moslim—in explanation of this passage hee 60} ud 1S dca, (७) Js ७) ) 9 5 yy 9 usw } us} (६.० ०65 Whe ८५८ 9 shunt!] dro ८5४ ५] On the following Ha-
dith oS) ded} JF ५५० ७7) awl Bis ९ aU) pny ५५} det ra ८५२५-०) ७1४ which is that “Abd al-Haqq’s interpretation of which is given above, in a very old and correctly-written MS. of the Mishkét, I find the word is explained on the margin by “the Arabs” ys | et! wy There is also another Hadith given on the authonty of al-Sh’obi from Fatimah bt. Qais, of certain Christians who, being ship-wrecked on some western island, met there Antichrist, who question- ed them regarding the “ Prophet of the Ommyts” meaning as ’Abd al- Haqgq says “the Prophet of the Arabs.” pp + ( jim) ) Js ral ५१ Jp 3 ake uf” co ५9 WSS lad Leo ued) sh uf (Taisir al-Wogcool, p. 412, See also Mishkat ए, iv. pp. 363-4-5.) I do not see then that commentators have differed, materially, if at all, in their
opinions regarding the meaning of this word, and I might add more exam- ples in support of this opinion, but one more Hadith with Ibn al-Athir’s
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it carinot bear, in all passages, exactly the same sense. In the first pas- sage al-Zamakhshari (died A. H. 538) renders it ‘those who are not well acquainted with the Books (of Moses.”) ta) (99 Al-Ba- ghawi again, an earlier commentator (died A. H. 516), on this verse is more explicit, and says “among the Jews are those who are neither skilled in reading nor writing” ~.) 3 ४ $ yi) | ७१ 9 Seg ^ In the second passage the former translates the word by “the infidel Arabs who had no Book” “yl ( Spiive iyo (द USI: and in the third pas- age “those who were not the people of the Book” J] ८/० byw opt ५५] i. €, those who had no (revealed) Book, meaning thereby the Arabs, which is the interpretation al-Baghawi gives to it, for in his ex- planation of the same verse, he simply says “in the wealth of the Arabs” wl Sle, ius] And again, in explanation of passage No. 5, “meaning” says he “the drabs who were a sect of Ommyis neither writing nor reading” 5 p85 y, ei 9 bio ॥ ॐ ॥| ec) yo } ५.५, Al-Baidhéwi has, for the most part, followed al-Zamaklishari, and later
Commentators, and most European writers, have followed him.
१० not find that Moslim writers differ very materially in the sense they put upon the word, which I cannot better define than in the words of the learned ’ Abd al-#Haqq, who, in explanation of the passage :—“ Thou artthe Prophet of the Ommyts” says. ‘ That is of the Arabs, because most of them were neither readers nor writers, which was the opinion of some Jews, who did not deny the Mission of His Excellency (६, ९. of Moham- mad) but confined it to the Arabs.” (Commentary on Mishkét ए, iv.
(99०२० Life 49० CoN! sod! gst Sy! wgrads yids! (+>) (Sel १; ¶ ट ) Cae 9.9 Syl 0
loan! ५1० a ७७५॥ | 91 ad a! Jy) si! colt (at ५ ds (9) sed! gs | 4192) 9 aL 19.०७ ted 9 १ > ॐ any Key II 3 (spel rey १ ट ) ५५१५९; (9५ Bye! 9 BLAS, AL ८० ced}
pes: 3 &८। paste / ^. (96० 99) eo ५. Ow cso > (१) (deem । 1) ?^ ट ) Soll 5 iM) १6०५२.)
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was very celebrated, and at it and other fairs, adverse tnbes sold and bought in peace, forgetting, for their mutual advantage, their ancient feuds. Here poef@ recited their productions, lauded their tribes, or some great man, in the hopes of profit and many who had nothing perhaps, in the estimation of others, worth selling, or being at a fair, think- ing it necessary to effect a sale of some sort or other, sold themselves, a phrase so happily rendered by the Persians in their application of the term khod-firawsh to a boaster. The accounts of these fairs as given by Moslims, together with the importance which appears to have been attached to them by the early Arabs, suggests to me the idea,—although ‘the very reverse position is taken up by Mokammadan authorities,—that spiritual affairs were made subservient to temporal, and that the establish- ment of the sacred months was not altogether unconnected with the public convenience. Such however is but a surmise.
Page 45, line 19. us?! ust 1—The “illiterate prophet” as the words have been interpreted by almost all European writers. The word Ommyi has given rise to too much controversy, and is altogether a word of too much importance, to be passed over in silence. Mo- hammadan Commentators have, one and all, expressed doubts as to its derivation, and it might naturally be surmised, that, consequently, they could not be very confident in their opinion as to its meaning ; yet on this point they are generally pretty well agreed. In cases of this nature, giving, however, due attention to the interpretations and remarks of Commentators, &c., we should invariably proceed at once to examine the original text. ‘The word Ommyf, in its simple and inflected forms, occurs in the Qordn six times,” and from the context it is apparent that
७०४; I eel 3 gs lol | ES) ७१५५ 9 Wyo! pie g(t ) e ( EAM! 9 ¶ G95) । 45> )
[ytd] O89 [9 ७१७ (१२५1. 1 (३२०३ 9 UMN 19491 ७२५) U5 y (+) ( ५॥,५ JT tcor ट) dba pres aut gyi Sale Lil [9/9 wl y
BU) (८ ७११०२ 9 Unie wd! १ ॥ she yo 19/08 eel ५८4५ (Fr) 3 ( >= JT 14. ¢ ट ) eyelet y ५०५६॥
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_ Aminah, I see no reason to be surprised that, on the accomplishment of the object of its creation, it should have illumined the Palaces of Bogré, or the “whole world from East to West” for that matter: or if Mohkam- mad did not blush to relate the account of his ^ Night’s Joumey,” and found that his followers believed it, that he should hesitate in relating a trifle of this kind. For these reasons, I fear, the discussions of savants of the present day regarding the “ Miraculous,” in connexion with the Arabian Prophet, are not likely to be productive of any useful results. The account of Shorabil’s attack on Bocré, as here related, has not, that I am aware of, been noticed by, Ibn Ishaq, or Saif b. Omar ; Ta- bari, moreover, (v. li. p. 132,) states that Khalid found Aboo *Obaidah, ShoraAbil b. Hasanah, and Yazid there, and that they conjointly besieged the city, which is certainly erroneous. By the account of Aboo गणी al-Azdi (see his Fotooh, p. 69,) it was only Khalid’s Division of the army that was present at the siege of Bocrd. It is stated, moreover, by the same author, (pp. 72-3,) that during the siege of Damascus, Wardan, the Governor of Hime, tried to cut off Shorahbil from the main army, while he was at Bocra, the Command of which place had been given him by Aboo Bakr after its conquest. Ibn Qotaibah, Ibn Hajar, Ibn ’Abd al- Barr, al-Dzohabi, &c., make no mention of the siege of Bocra in connexion with Shorafbil, but almost all Biographers agree in stating that he was one of the Generals of Division with the Moslim army in Syria.
Page 45, line 10. guys] (८२) ५.55 wS—At the present day Mawsim in its technical sense means, generally, the time for making the pilgrimage, but in the infancy of Islim, such being a matter of rather secondary importance, it was necessary to qualify it by the addition of the word al-Hay. The Mawsim of the “times of ignorance” was, as indeed it is in the text defined, the time of the fair or grand market among the Arabs. Most of the tribes had each a seperate market-place, besides which, there were large periodical fairs which took place at certain places, and periods so arranged, apparently, that a merchant might attend most, if not the whole, of the great fairs in one season. That of ’Okaz, situated near Téyif,
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is the Bozrah of our Scriptures, and appears to have been in the most ancient times a place of considerable importance :—Joshua made it a Levitical City, and also a City of Refuge. It was conquered by Alex- ander the Great, and was in after times called by the Romans, Trajana, and subsequently Alexandrianna, in honor of Alexander Severus. It is worthy of remark that none of the names given to cities in Syria by the Greeks or Romans, seem to have been adopted by the people of the country. Burckhardt describes the ruins of this city at considerable length, and says “it was formerly the capital of Arabia Provincia, and is now, including its ruins, the largest town in the Haouran,” (see his Syria, p. 226.) It has been considered the capital of Eastern Idumza, and the residence of the Dukes of Edom. Professor Robinson, however, -who visited it, descnbes another city, which he calls El-Basairah, and surmises that this, and not Bocré, was the city of the Edomites (Ro- binson’s Palestine, v. II. p. 570.) In Mohkammadan History it is a city of much interest, and regarding it, or rather some circumstances connected with it, there are disputed questions, that I fear it would take up too much space to enter upon here. It was here Mohammad, when he went to Syria with Aboo Talib, first met the Monk Bahiré, or dirjis, (George,) or as he is most commonly called Sergius, whose
monastery ( ८9: 20 ) according to Burckhardt is still in existence. There is a curious Hadith, which, however strange it may appear is given on good authority, to the effect, that at the birth of Mohammad,
his mother, Aminsh, said she saw a light ( yy ) go forth from her which illuminated the Palaces of Bocra; or according to another ver- sion so strong that she could see the Camels’ necks at that place. 0 parle a (2) yh dave yh bind yl SU) Rely (5) ५२ ५ (३५.८1 wl) 15 (६७1१1 ; pi) Jr SAM yall, ( chew os?! of ) ५7} Of this Hadith there are two or three
versions. If the prophetic light of Mokammad was created before Adam, and descended through successive generations from him to
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fixed, it can only be rendered by “the Scriptures.” The idea then suggests itself to me that the Maléhim may be used in the opposite sense, and signify ancient works or writings, other than the sacred books. Such I assume to have been the Asdtir al-Awwalin, which are several times mentioned in the Qorén. Al-Baghawi, in explanation of the term
(S. al-An’afm, J. 7, r. 9,) says plu 9] Jad ६) J 2s on | ५१२ By pau) gem yrbludl , (९-०-०५) 5 peyote] ५ 5: ( 2२9) ) ots) ५५] ८“ ८. ५०; (र 9 ela (> 013 २५
५७ Zamakhshari is not more explicit in his explanation of the passages of the Qorén wherein these words occur; he renders them by the words eels bl| 3 ot 99] ५.५] See commentary 8. al-An’aém
J. 7, 1.9.38. al-Anfél, J. 9, ८ 10.; 8. al-Nafl, J. 14, r.9.;8. al-Mawminoon J. 18, r. 5.; S. al-Forgén, J. 18, r. 16, &c. &e.
Page 43, line 7. £ | (2) | ७6 ७) Ido not find a description of Khélid’s personal appearance elsewhere, and am consequently unable
to judge of the correctness of that given in the text. ‘The passage con- tains a prophecy, and is therefore suspicious.
Page 44, line 1. 25} Arakah with Sakhnah Hawran, Tadmor,
and Qaryatain will all be found in most charts. The present City of Tadmor, or Palmyra, by which name it is more generally known, is supposed to have been built on the ruins of that Tadmor, which our Scripture informs us was built by Solomon—(see I. Kings IX. 18, 2 Chron. VIII. 4.) Josephus is of opinion, that the Palmyra of the Greeks and Romans was no other than the Tadmor of Solomon. The city 18 situated in a fertile spot, or oasis, and was always remarkable as a fortress of peculiar strength. It was adorned with beautiful buildings by Adrian, some of whose marble columns are still in existence. Its siege and capture, A.D. 273, by Aurelian, whocarried Zenobia, its Queen, to Rome, to grace his triumph, are, as indeed is all that is known of this ancient city, matters of classical History.
Page 45, line 4. ५5722 Bogra, or, as it will be found named, Bosra, Bostra, or Botsra, is undoubtedly an old and interesting city. It
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his chant, than one of them cut off his head, which fell into the wine vessel. For the verse alluded to I must refer the reader to Yabari, and Aboo Isma’ail’s Fotook (ps. above noted.) The following distich of an old song would not be an inappropriate parody :—
Come let us drink and drive away all sorrow, For perhaps we may not live till to-morrow.
The word Jafnah, it will be observed, occurs in the narration as given in our text, also in that of the two older historians. Zabari (or Ibn
Ishaq, for I am not confident that the ppm ॐ) JY which occurs in
the middle of this extract as given in Kosegarten’s edition, is not an addi- tion of the transcriber of the MS.,) says it was only the blood of the singer, and not his head, which fell into the wine cup. He seems more- over to doubt the truth of this portion of the story, as he uses the verb wy which is synonymous in sense with our expression “ they say.”
Page 43, line 1. ४, _»l) The Arabs were fond of designat- ing places by names such as this under notice, (the words however here are simply descriptive,) and though they were all well known to the people who lived at the time, and generally to early authors, they are sometimes not a little puzzling to Europeans, and later Mohammadan writers. We find a place called Ras al-’Aain a district in Mesopotamia, the Ras al-Akfal in Yaman, the ६8 al-Insén a hill at Makkah, the Ras al-Himér in Hadhramawt ; and as I am noticing the word rds, it may not be irrelevant to mention that Ras al-Kofr is an epithet applied to Anti-Christ and sometimes to the devil. A species of grass, also, was styled Ras al-Shaiéan.
Ibid, line 3, (४41) y NS) eb 4 This word al-Malésim appears to have had a technical meaning, that I am not sure we are fully acquainted with. It is usually considered to mean a book of predictions, or pretended prophecies. See De Sacy’s Chrestomathie, T. I, p. 298, and De Slane’s Ibn Khallikan, (English translation,) vol. 1st, p. 243. The latter writer says ‘‘ there were a number of works which bore this title.” We know that Kitib had, amongst the Moslims, a technical sense, and in many instances, especially when used with the article pre-
( 61 ) detailed by Aboo Isma’ail, Ibn Ishaq, Saif b. "Omar, and also a portion of Ibn al-Kalbi’s account. ‘The following passages I take from the Icabah: ८12) ७ ot art ot Be op ple art yt dh gla’) ital ७८ y— pil Esse ७९] JUL y (51 SU ५5 ६,५५...1) (>; ude wy} ८७ sls Jo is 1 ४४०८ ८/2 ६51) ८.४२ 4 APR ९ 55 ५७ (९ ~ gi ALO id) Sly aye ( Uy ary] ew! ५.5 ५ २15} 3 do} 3 4.5 ५८५५ us? (2 Ibn ’Abd al-Barr in his Biographical Dictionary says, स diw Jad asl) ३७) IU, Jz ५519 (ल ८ Gylb dhe Loy Cty poe LU त ८; 5 rol JW Baron 69 (Hed ) ८5 | PB Le abs ¥ phot wet!
j= 3 yr al) SNAUS 3) WEIL
Page 41, line 1%. 79 3 (अगे cer 9 The satihahk was a
leather bottle or bag, in which travellers carried water. The girbah was also a vessel for carrying water, but of a larger description.
Page 42, line 9. Bas ५.5 be piu) «This whole story, Te- garding the capture of “Amr b. Tofail, and the drinking of the wine, &c., I am inclined to think, has its foundation in the following circumstance, which is related by Ibn Ish&q, (p. 132,) and Aboo Ismé’ail :—As Khalid was journeying from ‘Iraq to Syria, he one moming met (according to Ibn Ishaq at Sowa, and Aboo Ismé’ail at Alyos,) a party of husbandmen, who were dnnking wine from a charger or basin
( Sina ५5 ev | pate ७१५२ ete rb ) and one of the party
was chanting certain verses, prophetic of the coming of the Moslims, and their own consequent approaching destruction. The Moslims coming up at that very moment, the songster had no sooner finished
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>A&mir instead of ’Amr.* It was under these circumstances that I ree tained, what appeared to me to be, an incorrect reading. The following
ing extracts regarding him I take from the Icdbah sabi] os yet 44 ५911 og MLA yl A (1 ह् 5० US ‹ 5 ५5१५] ०) Bil 2 १1171 1 1००५1५० 1 6 9 ~ oi - 1४0 20 Ibn ’Abd al-Barr describes him similarly, but allots him only two lines in his Biography of the Companions. He says“’Amr b. एषि) was present
with his father at the battle of Yam&mah, where he lost his hand, and died a martyr at the battle of Yarmook.”
Page 41, line 1. gb) स= ८ ©|) J JMS This joumey of Khalid through the desert seems to have been one of those extra- ordinary and wonderful feats, which takes such deep root in the memory of a nation as to be ever after quoted with wonder and admiration. It has been noticed apparently by every early writer, and the accounts of all agree in almost every particular. As the space of these notes will not permit me to notice these several narrators’ relations of this exploit, I must refer the reader for Ibn Ishaq’s version to Zabari, Vol. IL., p. 130, and for that of Saif b. ’Omar, who is singular in asserting that the transit was accomplished in four days only, to p. 118 of the same work. For that of Aboo Isméail, see his Fotooh, p. 64, and I would also refer the reader to my note at p. 66, of the same book, where will be found short abstracts of Khilid’s journey from Yamamah to Damascus, as
* See my remarks at pages 13 and 14 of the Prefuce. The re- currence, in several copies, of errors similar to that here noted, and which will be frequently met with, is strongly corroborative of my supposi- tion that an early and bad edition of this work formed the basis of now
extant copies.
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an abstract of this letter from the History of Ibn Shabbah, which is very different from that given by Saif. Aboo Ismé’ail, (p. 57,) however gives the letter complete, but although the main points of his, as well as all the other letters, tend to the same results, none have any resemblance. We are justified then in concluding that none are true copies. As to the bearer of Aboo Bakr’s dispatch, mentioned in the text, I can find no mention any where even of his name. The letter, it would appear, was sent by the hands of ’Abd al-Rahmén, b. Hanbal al-Jomaih{ (Aboo 1910४81, p. 58.) Page 40, line 11. up) el Qorin S. al-Caff, J. 28, r. 10.
Ibid, line 17. BOE (5) ५5 (5 (5; The language
of this short and authoritative epistle is so much at variance with the respect which was due to, and which, if we can depend on our sources of information, Khalid invariably paid to the Amin al-Ommat, that I very much doubt its genuineness. For Khalid’s letter on this occasion, I would refer the reader to Aboo Ismé’ail’s Fotooh, (p. 62.) If his copy, as there given, is genuine, the sentiments contained in it (see note, p. 18, 1, 20, of this book,) are truly honorable to Khalid, and testify that that rough soldier of a semi-barbarous age, had a kind heart, which prompted him, in conveying to the excellent Aboo ’Obaidah the dis- agreeable intelligence of his deposal, to perform his unpleasant duty in a manner so delicate, and so highly complimentary to his predecessor, that . on reading his letter he instantly exclaimed—“ May God render the suc- cessor of the Prophet happy in his choice, and may he grant unto Khalid safety (and peace).” I would point out that in the letter alluded to, Khalid by placing his own name in the superscription after that of Aboo *Obaidah thus delicately acknowledges the Amin to have been his superior. That this letter was carried by Amr b. al-Zofail al-Dawsi is corroborated by the statement of Aboo Ismiyail, so I suppose it is correct.
Ibid, line 20. cy!) (र ८. pele This name is most
undoubtedly incorrect, yet it is very singular, that in both copies, and also in the T4rikh of Hoshaibari, it should be invariably written
( 58 )
Le Nae Landen ५६19 2G yal) ८४ gd Sy 2 ना — 22, 981 5 C32) JAG loldive and al-Tirmidzi, the great authority on these matters, gives a Hadith of Hasan b.’Alyi which runs as follows :
AL} cho alll त Bam ७ ५5) etn ५5८ ८ wel JS vam 3 44८ al } ५.5“ al } Je) ws jas Bhutan us? ^^ 9 bile le? 9 BEI, Bay (+ tte ८४ Gls!) Sew pull slo 9) Lot } loc ८5) ( कै , > ] 6० ) ) 5 whic J oka? 9) ( ^४ ४, 1) 5) pad | 2b os? ९ 3,5 J 4 (~= 9) dic (+ 0५ 9 ws os of” Urs] > ५-६-) 9 Le 9 (653) ) 1499 3 415 sla Lids 9] fey ) 9 “~ th; y 9) ty % 9 1५>] Firawzabédi in explanation of the phrase says wt Ja) a
ie ८.५८ us! BL ys] See also Aboo Ismiail’s Fotooh, page 91 where the characters of both Khalid and Aboo ’Obaidah are clearly described Page 40, line 5. INS ५5) eet Lam afraid Aboo Bakr’s let- ter to Khalid, directing him to assume command of the Army in Syria, has not been preserved. Ibn Ishaq ( Tabari, p. 128,) without giving a copy of the letter, simply states that Aboo Bakr wrote to Khilid to proceed to the assistance of the Moslims in Syria, leaving some one under his command to prosecute the war in "Iraq. It is evident also from Ibn Ishéq’s account, that Khalid did not take his new appointment in the light of a compliment, as on reading the Khalifah’s letter he exclaimed —° This is the work of that ambi-dexter son of Omm Shamlah (’Omar) who envied me the conquest of ऋत्.” Saif b. "Omar (p. 94) dismisses the matter in one line, and although he refers, at p. 118, to the letter as if he had given a copy of it, I cannot find that Tabari has inserted it. At p. 122, will be found a short abstract of the letter, which has no similarity to that in our text. Tabari (p. 116), gives also
* The variantes are from the ’Oyoon al-Athar.
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noticed by Dr. Sprenger, (see his life of Mohammad, pages 45-46,) though I apologize for asserting it, is forcibly illustrative both of the sensuality of the Prophet, his object in painting the Paradise of his
followers, and the ideas of his countrymen. ७) ४५४ eo ५.५५ 9 JG side 2६५ }91 ६५ gi das oy!) Fora further insight into the joys of Paradise, see Qorin S. al-Rakman, J. 27, r. 12, 8. al-Dahr, J. 29, r. 19, &c. &c. Sale’s preface to his (गक्ष, and all Bio- graphies of Mohammad, Commentaries on the Qordn, &c. &c.
Page 39, line 11. (5 The plural of shahriyah, a horse of the Tartar breed. These horses would appear to have been held in great estimation.
Page 40, line 2. < |] (८४ Basse L! ७} As Aboo ’Obaidah was Commander-in-Chief of the Moslim Armies in Syria, with the exception of a short interval, up to the date of his death, it may not be irrelevant to examine the meaning of these words. That they are here used in a disparaging sense there can be no douBt, but that Aboo ’Obaidah though not so hot or so fiery a champion as the “Sword of God” (Khilid), —and consequently less suited to give satisfaction to enthusiastic fanatics, whose red-hot zeal could see no road to Paradise other than through the blood of Kéfirs*—was an infenor Captain, I am unprepared to say. That he was more cautious,and less rash, is certainly in favor of the contrary supposition, and his magnanimity and mildness to his fallen foes, the ill-fated Christians, shows him to have been a man above being influ- enced by the wild enthusiasm which animated his fellow Moslims. The words laiyin al-’trdak, as before mentioned, are evidently not here used in a complimentary sense, yet they would not by any means imply that Aboo *Obaidah was unfit for command, and if we take, as we are certainly
justified in doing, the character of the Prophet as the standard of per- fection in the eye of a Moslim, these words would certainly here be impro- per in their application. The Prophet I find (apud the Nihaiyah of Ibn
al-Athir) is thus descnbed ety) ly 2 | Lr) Gaol palo an =
# « Poradise lieth under the shade of the sword,” was one of the sayings of their Prophet. See N. p. 29, 1. 17. H
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4}, ) Le 3 itd] ८9} bis Calas US 5s) ५ 5 ul ५५ Ade plas] bls) ८० kL) See also Pocock’s Spec. Hist. Arab. ps, 25,268-9, Page 38, line 19. as? ८11] \.) Qorén 8. Caff, J. 28, 7.9
Page, 39, line 1. dieu ८.2 ५ |3=, This name is written as in the text in both MSS., but once or twice subsequently in the Damascus copy it is written Hodzaifah. Ibn Hajar, Ibn ’Abd al-Barr, Ibn Qotaibah, Ibn Khallikén, and al-Dzohabi, have no mention of either, but I find there was a Companion of the name of Hodzaifah b. Asyad, who is mentioned by most Biographers as being present in this campaign, and regarding whose
father’s name, moreover, there would appear to have been doubts
८.5) 2 5 2 phe (5) ८ 20 2 290] (175 9 2४४०) £~ Og 4 wy! 3 2 ayy ly ५ 54. 3 sab 9) OLE 3 0५ ( err sna] ) * (५ du] ५ pros Ibid, line 4. way ५१ rad rey 3 Asthe Moslim para- dise has been described, and re-described, by countless wniters, it is quite superfluous to notice it here. As embracing much however in a short . passage, I subjoin a Hadith of Aboo Horairah (apud Taisir, from al-Tirmidzi,) He states “ I said, O Messenger of God, from what has the Creation been formed? He answered ‘from water.’ I (again) said ‘and Paradise what is its foundation’? He replied, ‘ its bricks are alternately of silver and gold, the mortar for which is of the most exquisitely scented musk ; its pebbles are pearls and rubies, and its clay of saffron. Whoso entereth therein he rejoiceth (eternally) and is not distressed (४. €. has no want unsatisfied); he liveth for ever, and dieth not, nor do his garments wear out, or his youth decline,’ &c, &c ” The Moslim Heaven is, in fact, the terrestrial paradise of a sensualist, wherein the resident possesses all the pleasures and enjoyments he did on earth, heightened to an inconceivable degree, whose every wish is gratified, every sense or passion which could tend to enjoyment rendered more acute, and no restriction whatever placed on the indulgence of them. The following choice morceau, a Hadith of Ibn ’Abbas, which has been
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nceross, and the less so of Buffalo hide. The verb tanakkob means to sling on the back. ह
Page 37, line 16. ra | arial) yi) — I cannot satisfactorily identify any of the places here mentioned ; datr means a monastery, and I find mention of a place named al-Jim’i, but it was situated in the Ghawéah of Damascus. Kafr means simply a town or village, and I am inclined to think the following word should be ’Ozair, which is the Arabic name for the Priest Esdras (0 ; aU] of AF opel el on er } ५5१} (ऽ. Tawbah, J. 10, 1. 11.) See Book of Ezra, and Josephus Antiq. b. XL, c. V., 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. In Creighton’s Map of Palestine, not far from Gaza, to the S. W., I find a place called Deir, or Esdeir, but if "Amr b. al-A4g proceeded by the old Roman road towards Jerusalem, ail these places would be left far to the West.
Page 38, line 9. (च JN] A Tallis a small hill or bank of sand. That mentioned here seems to have been generally well known, but in Syria the infinity of names renders identification, to others than local writers, a matter of considerable difficulty. Burckhardt (Appendix to his Travels in Syria, page 666,)—says ^ Every Tel, every declivity, or elevation in a Wady, every extent of plain ground, where a parti- cular herb grows, has its name, well known tothe Arabs. The Khabera ( ¥ ) or places where the rain water collects in winter time, are generally distinguished by the name of some well-known Sheikh who once pitched his tent near them.”
Ibid, line 15. 409) Anbat, is the plural of nabat, The Naba- theans settled in Baéiyih, which is usually described as a place between the two Lrdgs ( le) ८४२) i.e. Koofah and Bacrah. Ibn Khallikin (v.
Ibn al-Rifé’ii No. 69,) places it much nearer the latter us” £+ 9 spb Set WS pau] ) bl, ue +) Lewy us? ८. ५. ४५८ The Moslims held the Nabatheans in great contempt. There is a Hadith of Omar the Khalifah which runs as follows: |) |१५५.५.५ which Ibn al-Athir explains :— bss] 3 bu |>; +) ५५५ Perens) ८५ oe ell ole 196 Gaye te And again
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was killed in that affair, or, according to al-Dawlabi (apud Isti’adb), on the authority of Ibn S’ad, at the battle of Ajnadain ; so it is most proba- ble that S’aid met his death earlier in the Campaign.
Page 35, line 15. _y*\¢y:] —Ibn Hajar gives the names of sixteen Companions called Aboo ’Admir, but not one of them were al-Dawsf. Further on, this person in both copies is called "Amir al-Daws{, which reading I have preserved (vide page 39). It might have been sur- mised that the individual meant was ’Amr b. Tofail al-Dawsi, but he, it would appear, was with the army of Khalid in Iraq, with which he had marched from Yamamah.
Page, 36, line 17. yy>) ८1} ^] 9 all (3) —Qoran, S. Bagarah, J. 2, 7. 3. The Orientalist will at once recognize the formula repeated by Moslims in all times of distress. The sense of the phrase would lead us to suppose that it had simply reference to cases of death, but the commencement of the verse is as follows :—‘ Verily we shall try you with certain fears, and with hunger, the loss of property, life, and the fruits (of the earth), so console the patient when distress hath reached them, and say (to them) ‘We are the Lord’s, and unto Him we must return’, &c.” This expression of resignation appears to have been first used by Aboo Bakr on Mofammad’s being turned out of Makkah (See Sonan of Naséi kitab al-Jihad), whereas the diyatis said to have been revealed at Badr. I cannot here discuss the subject further than to say that there is very strong evidence to show that many portions of the Qoran are not original. It is the custom in all Onental countries to use this formula up to the present day, but principally on the occurrence in a family of a death.—See the letter of the Prophet to M’oadz b. Jabal (apud Hicn Hacin, Calcutta edition, page 297,) on the death of one of his sons, an infant I should suppose. It is disputed whether M’oadz ever had a son or not, but it would appearhe had several—See N. Aboo Ismé’afl’s Fotooh p. 199 ’Ibn Qotaibah p. 130, Biog Dic. of Nawawi, 7. 561.
Page 37, line 10. esas (~+ 5 —The Hajafah wasa shield made of hide or leather, without any wood. The Military class in the Upper Provinces of Hindostin invariably use this style of shield, which they polish very brilliantly. The more expensive are made of Rhin-
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versions of others: Iam unable then to test, by a comparison of authori- ties, a good portion of the war. Ibn Ishig, Aboo Isméail, Saif b. "Omar, Ibn Hishém, and Ibn Shabbah, appear, as far as I am able to discover, to have followed Khélid b. al-Walfd, and to have entered Syna with him, dismissing what took place in Syria whilst he was in शरत् in a few words. According to Aboo Ismé’ail (page 31 ») Ibn Shabbah (apud Tabari, page 114, vol. UL.,) and Ibn al-Athir (Nihayah MS.) al-’Arabah, and al-Dathin or Dathinah, both which are near Ghazah (Gaza), were the first engagements the Moslims had with the Greeks in Palestine, but it is most probable that they were skirmishes, and not general actions.
Page 34, line 5. wit .p 2, —Of ’Amr b. ’Attdb or ’Annin I know nothing. I can find no mention of any such personage any where.
Ibid, line 16. £ | ८.1८ ude > —To make up for omissions in prayer it is contrary to the opinions of most Divines that more than one adzdn and one iqdmat are necessary ; yet, as a matter of course, there would be no harm in repeating as many of both as a penitent chose. ‘The repetition of both, says the commentator on the Wigayah, is unnecessary, but while it would be profitless to repeat the igdmat, the repetition of the adzdan, it being for summoning the absent, might be of much advantage. or the unoriental reader it may not be amiss (without noticing the contraversies of Theologists) to add the Sonni’s version of the adzdén here —“4U) 9] aS} 9 ७) det] — 1s } a} ५.5८ ८5 -- ५६१ <] ५45 ५5 — 3८|| Jy) 1५5 ५५) dg) Pall] 9 <] ) — Tsai] -- ९9५] ५. ad 21. — श्ल The igdmat, (repeated in a low २०९९, ) 18 similar, but after the words Haiya, ’ald al-falah, are repeated twice the words ४१८} ५० ५5
Page 35, line 1.—The death of S’aid b. Khalid is said by som authors to have ‘taken place at Marj a Cora, but hisf atner, according
to Ibn Hisham, Moosé b. ’Oqbah from Ibn अभो (Zohri,) and others,
(') Repeated four times. (9) twice. (9) twice. (4) twice. (°) twice.(* )twice:— used only at morning prayers. (7) twice. (8) once.
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unsuccessful, no pains have been spared to ascertain the correct names :— The Orientalist will, I feel assured, at once admit that out of a body of some 15,000 or 20,000 men, hundreds of whom had the same, and thousands of whom had similar names, had we even a correct nominal roll of them all, it is only where renowned or remarkable personages are concerned that we can ever hope to correct accurately the clerical errors of a work, the copies of which vary so greatly as those of this Fotooh.
Page 33, line 10. £ Li lad ७४ s—The word Sh’idr taken in the technical sense, as it is used here, means the parole or Military pass-word, a phrase previously fixed on by which the Moslims dis- tinguished friends from foes in the melee of battle, or dark of night. In the beginning of Islam, where the combatants on both sides were Arabs, the adoption of some such means of distinction was absolutely necessary, and in these wars, where the army of the Greeks contained many Christianized Arabs, it became a not less necessary precaution. The Sh’iér of the Companions in the time of Mohammad was generally
७५०] ese) J ya in explanation of which al-Jazari says w= logs we ७११५२ Pe) \ 5५1 ०) us] In the account of the battle of Yarmook, as given in this Fotoof, it is stated that each Division, or General of Division, had a distinct watch-word, that of Aboo ’Obaidah being uo} Ls!)
Ibid, line 18. cue | ५2 y ८) + | Ln, ५5) —The cir- cumstances as detailed here are so favorable, according to the ideas of Moslims at least, to an occurrence such as is related, that they would
induce me to connect them in a measure with a rather lively imagination. About sunset was one of the times at which the Prophet said the breezes
of victory are in motion yaw | ८५4 ८ 5 ol, ४५ Khe ५9४ ७४) —See Fotook of Aboo 1810821), page 77, Note
Page, 34, line 3 ¬ ५१) 4.59 eve ५15 —This is the only author, that I am aware of, who has treated tn extensio of the beginning of the Campaign in Syna, and his account seems to differ from the abridged
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may have confounded their posterity : yet this would not account for Khilid’s saying to "Amr ya thn ommt or akkt. Of Khilid’s brothers ’Amr, Aban and Hakam or’Abd Allah, were present in these wars. (See Aboo 19088178 Fotooh, p. 17.)
Page 33, line 1. Jam wt d\n M’o4dz was one of the most cele- brated of the Prophet’s Companions. He was a man of much learning and also a divine. It is stated that he collected the Qoran during the life time of the Prophet ero Lo) p> ९55 ५ | aom Lp yh (eo 420!) and Mohammad is said to have directed his followers to inquire of the Qorin from ’Abd Allah b. Mas’oood, Salim mawld Abi Hodzaifah, Obaii b. K’ab, and M’oadz, b. Jabal. He professed the faith at the age of 18, was present at Badr, Ohad, Khandag, and all the battles
of the Prophet, and was killed at the age of 32, 4, or 8, with his two boy- sons, at the battle of Z4’ooon ’Amwas. Ibn Qotaibah describes him as
follows ७ 9 कन ot SE ८ I! ८ + est DAD ७ Slee व on ८६“ Lak IAD | 3 wy! ^ LU) (154 3 ट ay } uw of > ५2 ab} are ae) ४१5] ,
Ibid, line 2. a! dof ५५4५-८} -- 0 this Acyad or the others
whose names follow, I know nothing. They are all most probably im- properly written, as referring to the following page, line 12, some other names will be observed, which should, no doubt, for the most part be similar to these, but are very different. In the KAnpoor copy the first
passage runs thus 9५ 3 ५५५. of Naa | 59 us | es ८“ Us ४। syn Jie 9 ध च+ wr hohe 3 Us pha! | eis £ } ५.८५ And that at page 34, referred to above ५५ cyl haw etre ra ot ८० ४ 9 dias ८ ५41) ५ 5) I must again re-
quest the indulgence of the reader where proper names are concerned in this work, and beg to assure him that, though I have been very
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currence of the Devil, who, in human form attended their meeting, resorted to the ingenious subterfuge of selecting a man from each family to stab him, and thus render it impossible for his relatives to demand the blood- revenge, (Ibn Ishéq apud ’Oyoon al-Athar.) Although idolatry might not have prevailed long among the Arabs, had Mohammad been thus early cut off, it is difficult to say what form the new religion would have assumed.
Page 31, line 20. #\3)S) > J—Here again, as noticed at page 21;
and as will frequently hereafter occur with regard to the narration of many Companions, the relation from Aboo al-Dardaa is remarkable, but it will be
observed at line 3, page 32, the narrator, instead of saying 4] eS or some such phrase, says +] YH] 5] 2५\.५.| use ^ |, Being himself the relater, this does not appear correct. Page 32, line 8, (>> sh ot —Qorin S. Caf, J. 18., ए. 9. Ibid, line 13, ००] ८५०८०८५ | ८2 ८51 499-1 have given in
this instance the reading of both MSS, and although that in the foot note would appear to be nearer the correct one, it will be observed that lower down Khalid says to "Amr yd thn ommi or akht. I cannot discover that there was any. relationship, or even marriage connection, between Khalid, b. S’afd and ’Amr b. al-’Aag of Egyptian celebrity. The mother of Khalid was named Omm Khalid (her Konyat was probably her name, for I find none other ;) and the mother of ’Amr, b. al-’Aacg was called al-Nabighah. She had several conjugal partners, by whom she had issue Amr b. Abi Osasah, ’Oqbah b. Naf'i and Zainab bint ’Afif. The former was the daughter of Habban al-Thagafi, while the latter (al-Nabighah) was of the Bani ’Anzah, so there is no possibility of their mothers being one and the same. Said was the son of Khalid b. S’aid b. al-’Aac or ’Adci b. Omaiyah and consequently an Omaiyide and ’Amr was of the Bani Sahm. (See N. page 21, line 7.) Ibn Qotaibah says Khalid’s father had 40 children, twenty sons and twenty daughters. One of Khilid’s brothers was named ’Amr, and it is not improbable that our author, not distinguishing between the two ’Adcs,
( 49 ) | Page 31, line 3. ott of? 43! »u—The nine individuals here mentioned as amongst the killed at Ajnidain are unknown to me, nor can I find any mention made of them in any of my authorities. According to Aboo Isma’ail (p. 79,) the following were the chief companions slain in that battle. Aban b. S’aid, Salmah b. Hisham, al-Makhzoom{, N’oaim b. Cakhr, Hisham b. al-’Adg the brother of "Amr, Habbar b. Sofydn ’
and “Abd Allah b. ^ ए. Tofail Dzoo al-Noor. Ibn Ishfq’s return agrees pretty well with that of Aboo Isméa’ajl. In his account (see Tabari, vol. II., page 134,) some difference is made, however, in a few
names, 80 I add it. 2 ५... ete Golem छि. 0 of Whey: Sis 9 ALF ७1 क) ah oe ना gp ०; (=) Habbar’s father’s name was, I think, Sofyan, and not al-Aswad, but the N’oaims mentioned by both authors would appear to be distinct persons. Moos’ b. "Aqbah, Mos’ab al-Zobairi, Aboo al-Aswad, and Saif, (apud Ic&bah,) are of Ibn Ishaq’s opinion, viz., that this N’oaim was killed at Ajnddain, so it is not improbable that Aboo Ismé’ail has made a mistake.
Ibid, line 15. ४, ddI —The Thér or Blood-revenge was amongst the most religiously observed rites of the ancient Arabs. It was imperative on the family to revenge by blood the death of a relation or kinsman, and although in the case of rich and powerful chiefs, the price of blood ( ८24 ) was sometimes accepted, amongst the Bedouins it was a point of honor to demand, and finally to obtain bload for blood. Itis to this very custom we are indebted for the religion of Islam, for Mohammad, deprived of the protection of his relatives, especially that of his uncle, (an idolator,) the chivalrous Aboo 4 द्वा, and with the fears of the too certain revenge removed from the minds of his enemies, would not long have been suffered to preach that there was but one God and he was his Messenger. Even as it was, he but escaped,—whence dates the Hijrah—in time to save his life, the Qorashites, bent on his destruction, having, at the suggestion of Aboo Jahl, and with the con-
G
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Page 29, line 1. ५५.०,५/८) bly, of al) w\5—Marcid is properly a place where an enemy lies in wait, an ambuscade, but allusion being made to the Almighty we cannot translate it exactly so here. See Qordn
Soorah al-Fajr, J. 30, r. 14 dor ५) ५
Ibid, line 17. © > J es? Kiel ७] —This sen- tence 18 a Hadith, or saying of the Prophet. In the Mishkét from Moslim, on the authority of Aboo Moosé, it is given as follows (JV Syke) ती (= Bl) ly yl ( alll (~ ५४ Another version from ’Abd Allah, b Abi Awfé, apud the on of
Bokhari, givesitthus (5 ust | ५.०९] ८.० us? pro all) Jw) wy ५४ ५ (० (+ (5५) patil Lebo (~ ५] ans Jy 7.97 7/1 17 11.9.18 । =] 1 JIB त= =,
Ibid, line 19. ly) 2 =) (1) —It is plainly the inten-
tion of the author to lead us to believe here, that the trees and cattle uttered the responses. I might multiply quotations to show that Mohammadans put faith in such nonsense, but as I have noticed the sub- ject before (See N. p. 6, line 15,) 1४15 unnecessary. I would ask permis- sion, however, to add to the note alluded to the following anecdote :-—“ A certain Arab came to the Prophet and said to him ‘ How am I to know you are the Messenger of God ? ‘ Why,’ said the Prophet, ‘if I call that bunch
of dates ( (3471) even, from the date tree, it will bear witness that I am
the Messenger of God.’ Whereupon he called it, when, immediately, down came the dates, and falling at the very feet of the Prophet, cried out ‘Peace be unto you, O Messenger of God.’ ‘ Return to thy place,’ said the Prophet, which they instantly did.” The upshot of the business was, as might be expected :—the Arab embraced Islam and was enrolled among the Faithful (a Hadith of Ibn ’Abb4s, apud al-Tirmidzi.)
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Page 27, line 2. £ 1b 5 <>) > —The description Hiraq] is here made to give of Aboo Bakr would seem to be in the main correct. Tbn Mandah in his work styled al-M’arifat, (apud Icibah) says VAN) ८६ ८. ..<-> Aa) ८50 न (0 Ladle Cams ८ ८५५9 ८.८ daw pl [ lose] $d ५) (ध) sill Ibn Hajar continues ५.६.२८ ud । ९ ५५५... dic 6 ory ४५५] 9 Al-Zohri (apud Dzohabi’s Tadzhib) gives a similar description. I am at a loss, however, to discover in what books Heraclius found this sketch of Aboo Bakr, and that also of "Omar which immediately follows, and am afraid we must conclude that they had only an existence in the imagi-
nation of our author. For the descnption of Aboo Bakr as given by
एण Sad, on the final authonty of "Aayishah, See Zabari, Vol. IL p. 142. Ibid, line 9. ay > —Sooriyah was another name for al-Shdm,
and hence I presume our word Syria. Some authors make a distinction between the two.
Ibid, line 18. Use ८ ० —There was a Companion of this name of some celebrity, a chief of the Bant <Ajldan, but I do not find mention made of him as being engaged in these wars, or that he had settled in Syria. The use of the words Ahidr al-Moslimin would not, moreover, I think, imply that the person was a Companion.
Ibid, line 1. ye ly Seis = —This is a curious idiom, of which, however, the sense is plainly expressive of the great number of the enemy’s forces. In the Qamoos with precisely the same meaning
I find it somewhat differently expressed ; viz., pe | 3.24, 1 ५.59 but in Aboo Isma’ail’s ०००४ (p. 167,) will be found a passage similar to that in the text Opi] yy se? a y py oll € > ste = 19 एण the same idiom, see also his Fotoof, p. 25.
Ibid, line 19. £ | ८2५५ 8७ —Qorén 8. al-Tawbah, J. 11, r. 5.
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buried, and here his tomb was raised. More could not be required to render any place sacred to one of his followers, yet it contains, among many other places worthy of veneration, the tombs of Aboo Bakr, "Omar, and ’Othman. Outside the city also, is the Baqi’i (See N. p. 17, line 1) which contains the tombs of many holy men ; amongst others those of Hasan the son of ’Alyi, Ibrahim the son of the Prophet, Fatimah Alyi’s mother, and a host of Companions :—But to compress into a few lines an account of a city upon which we have large works would be a difficult task. The curious may consult a book called al-Wafa £ Akhbar Dér il Mogtafa, by Noor al-din Alyi (died A. H. 911,) an abridgment of which (Kholagat al-Wafa, &c.,) contains about 750 pages royal 8vo.
Page 26,line 21, tat sie o\4)|—The shamlah was a sheet similar to
the ridd, but apparently somewhat smaller. The early Arabs wore but two garments ; one the izdr, or cloth wrapt round the loins, and fastened at the waist, which reached only to the middle of the calf ;—It was not re- spectable to wear it lower. This garment, ६, e. the tzdér, must not be confounded with the sizwdl, which is now the under-garment gene- rally adopted by most Moslims. Mohammad, it appears, sometimes wore the shkamlah, but never the sirwal, though he once bought a pair for four dirhams. Jabir, (apud the Taisir from Aboo Daood,) says
but he generally wore a loose shirt open in front, ( L245 )—there are se-
veral statements of Companions in the Shimail al-Tirmidzi to the effect that he was very partial to this garment,—and the ridd or sheet.
He also occasionally wore a Yamani scarf ( = | ) and sometimes a
Grecian cloak ( Evo asm ) with tight sleeves, a fillet ( 2०] )round his temples in doors, and a turband, one end of which hung down his back, out of doors, and sandals. In the passage in the text, from the use of the word gawbain, or “two cloths,” with the context, it would appear that such was the dress of the humbler classes, which, from a comparison of authorities, I should say was the case.
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father for the Greeks (by whom I would here mention I mean the Byzan- tines, if I may so call them,) and named him al-Acfar. Al-Agfar it is said was the son of Room b ’Ii¢ or 16०० (Esau), b Ishiq (Isaac), b Ibrahim (Abraham) By another account the word Acfar is but a descriptive ad- jective and not a name: and it is said that the Greeks, (or more gene- rally the inhabitants of Europe) were called the yellow, or saffron-coloured, from their having been conquered by a tnibe of Africans, from the inter- marriage of whom with their white women a sallow-coloured race sprung. We have a Hadith on the authority of Ibn ’Abbas, in which the Greek women are called the Bani al-Ag far, and which contains a distinct command to the Moslims to prosecute these wars. It runs as follows:
( ४1) ped ly 19 1) 5 |—Tbn Qotaibah (p. 19) says al-Room was the son of Esau, by a daughter of his uncle Ishmael, who was the
son of Abraham, and that he was fair, or of a sallow colour, on which account the Roomis are called Bani al-Agfar.
Page 26, line 18. yy —Yathnb, or as it was also called Athrib, was the ancient name of Madinah. The inhabitants, in after times however, objected to this name, as it is supposed to have been the name of a Jew, its founder. It was called, amongst other names, Bait al-Rosool, Dar al-Sonnat, Dar al-Islam or simply al-Dar, Dz&t al- Nakhl, Ardh Allah, al-Saiyidah, and, par excellence, al-Madinah ; also Madinat al-Rosool, besides a host of other names, to the number of ninety-five. It was undoubtedly a very old city, and for sanctity among the Moslims,—who like the people of most religions in carrying their adora- tion for the creature to an unlimited length would appear to have forgotten the Creator—is considered by many to hold a higher place than Makkah. Here Mohammad fled to escape the persecutons of the Qoraish. Here he was well received and assisted, those befriending him being dignified with the name of Angar, and God speaking favorably of them in the Qordn. (See S. Tawbah J. 11, 7. 1., &c.) Here he built his first house of worship, the ground for which he is accused of having defrauded two orphans, but which, however, W4&qidi says he honestly paid for. Here he married more than one of his wifes. Here he hved. Here, in the house of ’ Adyishah, his favorite and only virgin wife, he died. Here he was
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Sonan of Aboo Déood) is very strong ; but I am afraid, as an authority, Ibn Hawilah was not himself considered very strong, J) Jb Jv pity dia. ६५५ dpm 1993 wl. us | ए >+“ prio all]
cobs 4d) ८० all Ens Wl "८८ Silas JU ५४ ४५५५८ «^ 1 ww] But the following is given on indisputable authority, viz., that of Aboo al-Dardda ; it is not, however, to be found in
Moslim or Bokhari :— ८1५} ४०० ८) palo abl} (9) Se JU
of ५ GAA J, 2 Gaile dl ५ 1 oy edit] love +~
Page 25, line 18, Sw इ५= —I have given both readings in this instance ; the sense is however clear. Ibn al-Athir in his Nihaiyah says usy? aL: ysl) (~ ५४ | ५२५> (2 oe | € y € > ab “3 us® ) (2 | do) >€ sly | ७ ; dal] (~ ४ ly) Bab) ५९५ (७/० ete us | us | ५५८) With regard to the second reading Burckhardt, or his editor, in a note at page 93 of his Travels in Syna, says—“ On its” (the district of eal) ) « western side, this district is called El-Harra, a term applied by the Arabs to all tracts which are covered with small stones, being derived from Harr, ६. e. Heat (reflected
from the ground.)”—I do not know of any place called Joos in the region referred to.
Ibid, line'7. 33, —Hiraql (which though the word is pro- nounced Hirgal, Harqal, &c., I belive to be correctly pointed) is the name by which Heraclius will usually be found designated in Arabic books.
e Ibid, line9, ype 9) ५.5 ८ -- 716 Arabs, following out their own system of genealogy, in which for the most part each tribe, as for instance Azd, Téiyi, गत, &c., is named after its parent or founder, have found a
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Shabbah, and apparently to that of most early writers, who state that Aboo Bakr wrote to him to Yamdmah, from which place he proceeded to Trig. But it is asserted by some, and amongst others by Zabari, that Khalid left his army in ’Ir4q to make the pilgrimage, for which he received a sharp rebuke from the Khalifah. From Khald’s character it appears so highly improbable that he would have left the scene of action, where he was encompassing the enemy, to run round the K’abah, that if he made any pilgrimage, it is much more likely that he should have done so in the interim of settling the affairs of Yamainah and setting out for शु But as such is mere speculation, we must be content to receive the opinion of the earliest and best writers : and assume that he made no pilgrimage at all, (See No. p, 16, 1. 8.)
Page 25, line 12. 21 als) ५4531 ley Ks, —The Moslims justi-
fied their march on Syria by a few texts from the Qor4n and several of the sayings of the Prophet ; in most of which, however, an unconcerned reader would not determine anything special. or instance the follow- ing verse, which is quoted in this book, most commentators hold, to bear on the point, and. indeed it appears to have been the opinion of
many of the Companions, (० Pb ८२५५ | 19150 (4) on ele le 4643 Ios y 120) Zamakhsharl, while admitting that the point is
disputed, endeavours to prove, by a strange style of argument, that the verse does entail acommand to proceed to war with the Syrians. The order to war with infidels, he says, being general, the verb yaloonakom, “ who are near you,” is used in a progressive sense ; which, he continues, must be evident from the fact of the ^ Prophet having first waged war with his own people, afterwards with other Arabs, (the inhabitants) of Aijiz ; and lastly, having attacked the Synans.” Ibn ’Abbis (apud the M’adlam al-Tanzfl lil-Baghawi) is of opinion that by the words iladzina yaloonakom were meant the Bani Qoraizah and Bani पश्वा, A few of the Hadith are more specific. One of ’Oqbah b. ’Admir, (५,
Mishkat, ) runs as follows Pao _ Ws (५० ) fay’ | rte ८५ ००८ gal ७) Another of Ibn Haw4lah (apud Taisir al- Wocool from the
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mean a helmet with a hanging flap of chain mail,) and’ a black stand- ard of a square shape, called al-’Og4b ; also a white standard, named al-Zinat, and he frequently joined with it the black one. And it is narrated by Aboo Déood, in a relation of Sim&k b. Harb, from a man of his tribe on the authority of another who said ‘I saw the standard of the Messenger of God, on whom be peace, &c., (and it was) yellow ;’ and by Aboo al-Shaikh Ibn Habban from a relation of Ibn ’Abb&s who said, ‘on the standards of the Prophet was wmitten There is no God but God! Mohammad is the Messenger of God,’ and the Hafiz Aboo Mohammad al-Dimy4fi states that Yoosof, b. al-Jawzi said it is related that the flag of the Prophet was white and written thereon was ‘ There is no God but God, Mo- hammad is the Messenger of God.’ ”—It is thus evident that there is much uncertainly regarding this standard. Ibn ’Abbas (apud Mishkat,) says the rdyat of the Prophet was black, and the षदं white, regarding the difference between which ’Abd al-Haqgq in his commentary on the Mishkét gives three opinions. “ They say,” says he, “that the rdyat was the large and the (द the smaller, others, (however,) have held the contrary, and some have said that the rdyat was carried with the combatants, and the fd designated the station (in camp) of the General-in-Chief.” The latter opinion appears to me most probable. I have frequently met with the words hazz al-rdyat, but I do not remember to have seen the word diwd used with a similar construction.
(See No. p. 18,1. 22.)
Page 24, line 10. £ । aby) Vs)! 25's T cannot help thinking that this is a clerical error, but I did not feel justified in altering the text as there were many places of this name, and the letter ya is very distinctly written in both copies, and also in Hoshaibari. I should think the word should be al-Obollah, ( 29] ) in which opinion I am rendered more confident, because I find in the Damascus copy, that although the two diacritical points are very clear, the article is prefixed
Ibid, line 11. ५), । ८2) । tbe» WIS 1. 5 —This statement, viz., that Khélid went to "Iraq from Madinah, is opposed to the opinions of Ibn Ish4q, Aboo Ismiail, Saif b. Omar, Ibn Hishém, Ibn
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Kashmiri, and the K&boli gates, not called so, surely, from their proxi- mity to those cities, the nearest of which is several hundred miles distant, but from their importance. From some authors it would appear, however, that al-J&biah was not far from Damascus though distances are seldom alluded to—(See Aboo Isma’afl’s Fotooh, p. 142-3.)
Page 24, line 6. ¢ lam 5 ex —Lakhm and Jodz4m, named res-
pectively Malik, and ’Amr, and heads of tribes, were brothers, sons of "Adi 9. al-Harth, b. Morrah, b. Odod, b. Zaid, b. "Amr, b. Arib, ए. Zaid, b. Kahlan, b. Laba, b. Yashhab, b. Y’arab, b. Qahéan.* Lakhm and Jodzim are sobriquets, received, it is stated, from the following cir- cumstance :—The brothers having quarrelled, ’Amr hit Mélik a slap on the ४०९ ( p= ) which Malik retumed by striking at him with his knife and cutting off his hand ( ४५ (न ). Ibn Khallikén, Art Ahmad al- Nafis No. 65 says ew] a” dom >! cow) ५८५५० ५.०८] gore wr oe Les! (ज क abd sl ४५७५ Eder Jac Ke त
Ibid, line 7. gt] &)) 4S ५२८) —The Prophet it would ap- pear had more than one standard, but that which is generally known
as such, is the one alluded to here; it was black, and named the ’Oqab or black Eagle, from which circumstance, I assume, the word
’Ogab, afterwards came to signify a standard. Al-Jazari says ७४ 45] =< ^ | gb, plas] (^ ४.८} ale ai,)) el “He (the Prophet) had,” says his Biographer, Aboo al-Fats Mohammad b. AAmad, “ two helmets, named ‘al-Mooshah,’ and ^ al-Masboogh,’ (this word may
* It is almost superfluous to add that a part at least of this pedigree is my- thological, nor will it correspond with all genealogists’ accounts. I have arranged it on the authority of no particular writer, but have consulted and compared several.
F
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* Judd Land pale and from the same work I extract the following Sac] el esl = 19१] Used 9] Gold 39) Hyde!) aie , of? +> AS LS) ८.० ७ 112 gd (५ ५119) ७ ^; 9 JB Page 23, line 17. @} ¢® Waa) —Qorin 8. al-Anbiéa, च. 17, 1. 5: The allusion is to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. See also Soorah Baqa- rah, J. 1, 1. 15 Page 24, line 2. ९ | | ८/०) | ५ ot ५.22} \)) tye | —In the time of Mohammad this city or district, for it is called both by Arabian writers, appears to have been of some note, but I cannot arrive at a sa- tisfactory conclusion as to its locality. Burckhardt mentions several places of this name, but they all appear to have been small villages. Robinson says there is a place called Jiba @s> about 8 or 10 miles N. W. of Jerusalem, at which large hewn stones, and a solid and almost square tower and other indications of antiquity, are still to be seen. He also mentions another place in the “ Wady el-Musur called Jib’ah 24>”
At p. 327, 2nd Vol. of his Travels will be found the following passage. ‘“‘ Upon an isolated hill in the midst of the Wady el-Musur, on the south side of its bed and near the mountain, lies the village of Jib’ah. This is doubtless the Gibeah of the Mountains of Judah, and probably the Gabatha of Eusebius and Jerome, twelve Roman miles from Eleu- theropolis.” Arabian lexicographers do not appear to have known the position of this city ; al-Jawhari and the author of the come say it 28 a
city in Syria, and the Qémoos, a district about Damascus, and also a gate of that city. Firawzabad{ was evidently misled by the gate : it is quite unnecessary, however, that the city of Jabiah,—which sounds much more like Gibeah than the +> of Mr. Robinson, which it is not
impossible he might have misspelled—should have been anywhere near Damascus to have given its name to one of its gates. At Dihli, the former metropolis of India, we have to the present day the Lahawri,
°
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Page 22, line 22. £ | ८~>) ५.5 who us” 9 —Among the very: numerous Hadith on the subject of prayer I cannot find Aboo Bakr’s authority for this assertion. In a Hadith of Ibn Abbas (apud Mishkat) it is distinctly laid down by the Prophet, that on hear- ing the Adzin, nothing but sickness or fear of danger can ex- cuse a Moslim from attending the prayer meeting plc esl «^ cls } wo” Brhod road ५5५. } £“ ws” prio all | J) Js Ju bin AB (८ ज म~ SB ९] & y YG) phe ५5 ५.5) ६%-<] The Doctors as usual disagree to an unlimited extent, as to whether it is incumbent on Moslims to pray in a body or not: but it appears to have been the intention of the Prophet, that they should do so, and the disagreements of Canons, &c., on this, and all other points of Law, eclesiastical or common, merely demonstrate, what indeed is self-evident, how ill defined that law must be which is
based on the conversations, collected at random, of a man, be he even a Prophet.
Page 23, line 14. द्म] 49 —1 am inclined to think the allu- sion here is to a custom which existed amongst the early Arabs of singing songs, or rather repeating verses, lauding their tribes or fa- milies, and like the Greeks, vaingloriously boasting of their own prowess, (see pages 4, 5.) Ibn al-Athir (apud his Nihdyah) says
९७5 (९59 ) v5 0 Eble Cs 50) GI yas!) aie ,
८ phe SS न tele (~~ ९5४] त=] (5 ; (५ ५) Balad ) Qe) ह] y Ty y ५८ Wh eel Ibid, line 16. ७४० | ८०५ | epee |—It would appear from
the construction of the passage that allusion is made to some story or tradition, but I cannot find any mention made of it, in the Qoran. Jabir
४. ’Abd Allah, the Companion, (apud Nihéyah) says (AVG Weyl)
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the place where a number of Jews, cursed by David, were tumed into apes for catching certain fish on the Sabbath-day, which, it is stated, tempted them by coming every Sunday to the shore and inviting their own capture, (see Qoran S. Arif, J. 9, r. 11). Commentators, as usual, differ as to where this occurred: some say, it took place at
Jerusalem, others at a place called Ailfah ( Ree | ) situated on the bor- ders of the Sea of Tiberias between Madyan and Toor, which is a geo- graphical position I cannot determine.
Page 22, line 15. ya CE er) 33 - am not sure what the al-
Jusion in this passage is to; I find no mention made anywhere of angels having being present in the battle of Khaibar ; it is indeed a disputed point whether the Jews were defeated or surrendered, and it is perhaps their surrender which is attributed to the interposition of Providence. Moos& b. ’Ogbah, and Malik b. Anas, (apud ’Oyoon al-Athar,) are both in favor of the victory, and I should incline to suppose the assistance from above alluded to, was rendered through Alyi, who it ap- pears on that occasion behaved very gallantly, killing Marhab the Jewish
General (I translate (1 which is the word used in a Hadith of Sal- mah b. Akw’a, apud Taisir from Moslim,) and thus gaining the victory ( ४५ ५5८ gol wS 5 ) It may not perhaps be irrelevant to men- tion that on this day Alyi was suffering from ophthalmia, so the Prophet
spat in his eyes, and he was instantly healed.* See also Qoran S. Fath, J. 27, ए. 10, 11, where allusion is made to this victory.
* Reader ! accuse me not of levity, Iam but a translator. It must not be lost sight of that what is ridiculous to the Christian, is miraculous to the Moslim.—If Mohammad was a Prophet, why should he not heal the sick ?
(<) Nb al ot se ८५ [ ५५ 145) Ff (८ त; )
bast y 7 111
Jy) GOs ५1 >> 5 ४५9४ & (~= (४८ UU 4) y abil ( yx!) pent) Lad वन od pale all]
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of the same name,—outside the gate of Damascus called al-Coghra, are well known.” Ibn Hajar, on the authority of Ibn Habbin, gives a similar account of him ;—I take the following from his Work ye DES dow) \ 55 ५/4] , 4 Bowl) 5 AUG ) 9६ 5) sya] yl ani! 79 ¢ ole > I do not find mention made of him any where except (apud Tabari) in Saif’s History, as being engaged in these wars.
Our author is not singular in his method of relation from Aboo al-
Dard4a: in Dzohabi’s Tadzhib I find (Art Khalid b. M’adan) the following passage ~ 1५५) ५.5) 3.9 vel «^ J) 1) Now itis pre-
o ॐ
cisely this description of Hadith ( ८“ ) so very frequently met with, that I think it not improbable later authors, being unable to ac- count for, misinterpreted. In Bokhari are many Hadith of the Pro- phet’s, given, on the immediate authority of the word gala, which however I think rather strengthens than weakens the position ; but admitting, even that it would hold good of the Prophet’s sayings, as we say qdla al- T’adla I would be very unwilling to make the same concession with regard to the relations of a Companion or a 708 Whether Aboo Dardaa ever committed any thing to paper or not I am ignorant, but it is distinctly stated by his contemporaries, as pointed out above, that he was the most talented and best informed of the Companions, and that he read the Qoréin to the Prophet. Now knowing a man can read, it will be admitted I think, that we may assume he can write : and that either a Divine, or a Philosopher, and more especially the lat- ter, having the ability, could be restrained from writing, even by his Prophet, appears to me incredible :—‘ God knows best.”
Page 22, line 5. ५ ४6८41; —Qorin 8. Caf, J. 28, ए. 9. ४ Ibid, line 7. als! —’Anmr is here directed to take a different route
from that taken by the first division of the army, which marched appa- rently by the present Hajj route from Damascus. This route is that by which the riches of India found its way into Europe, from Hadhramawt. Ailah, situated on the Red Sea, is celebrated in Moslim history as being
( 86 )
ee pauls ०४. oy eae oy ८21) op GT ८.८ 3, ( ao} ) usted } ust } LSI (भ tenn ८५ (>< up! gyre Page 21, line 18. ०८० 2 cou 3 —The people of Makkah were honored above the inhabitants of all cities, and in addressing the Arabs t. ९.) in issuing proclamations, &c., it was customary to specify them alone. Mohammad being of the Qoraish tribe, it must necessarily follow. that of the tribes, i¢ was superior to all others ; the banoo Kildb were of this tribe, but of the Adhahi I am ignorant.
Ibid, line 21. ०५५) >) ८७ —From the method here adopted
of relating this account, supposing the general rules in such cases to have been adhered to, this relation should be an extract from the wnitings of Aboo al-Dard4a. To arrive at any conclusion from the data to be obtain- ed through a work of as yet so uncertain a character as this Fotooh, would be rather hasty ; but we may be permitted to notice the matter as far as the limited space of these notes will permit. Aboo al-Dardaa, named ’Owaimar, was one of the most celebrated Companions : he was a man of great learning, and, according to many authorities, was in the habit of reading the Qoran to the Prophet. Ibn Ishaq (apud Dzohabi) says
soya) gl Jolly pla aril ७४२ palo us ole) ५४ dlre aly’ ly Jill \isle} 4 and under the same article, lower down, occurs the following passage AU) Slee pain] Ll Fee ool ५९; ८४ ७ ; १।५)५} gl 4) whe els) poral} NS icy) « 110 (Sic.) / dw oy! BL] ५. ) ५१५८० oy) y Nawawi says “Ibn ’Omar, Ibn ’Ab-
bas, Anas, and Aboo Omamah, Fadhalah b. ’Obaid, Yoosof b. ’Abd Allah b. Salam, and a host of Téb’ais took Hadith from him,” “he
was,” states the biographer, “a Divine ( \4% ) a Philosopher ( ui%> ) and a man of continence (|); )” and “was made Lord Chief
Justice of Damascus in the Khilafat of ’Othmén, at which place he died, A. H. 31 or 32. His tomb, as also that of his wife, Omm al-Dardéa-the- Lesser—named so because he had two wives and both
( ॐ )
regret, complete ५४ 3 ०५५} Deen? >> ५5.) >| ८ ५.) | err!) ५ at Lele yl y cial) ail, pl aie ५) = US
Page 20, line 4. yo uy al] wxc —Of ’Abd Allah, the son of Omar the Khalifah, I find many and long notices, but no mention is made of
him, as far as I can discover, as being concerned in these wars. He died at the age of 87, A. H. 72 or 73.
Ibid, line 14. Gad — 55 Gale 25S ५} —This account is somewhat differently related in Aboo Isma’afl’s Fotooh, (p. 37.) It is there stated that Aboo Bakr having received a letter from Aboo ’Obai- dah, consulted these three individuals regarding its contents which dis- pleased ’Omar : and that on this reaching the ears of the former, they remonstrated with "Omar. ‘These remonstrances are given in nearly the same words in both works.
Page 21, line7. yet ५5} Gell) ८2 7 Jas —It is simi- larly related in Aboo Isma’ail’s Fotooh, (p. 41,) that “Amr b. al-’Aag asked ’Omar to interest himself with the Khalifah in getting him the chief Command, but that ’Omar declined. “Amr b. al-’Af&c, was one of the most accomplished Arabs : a good swordsman, a good horse- man, and a poet, what more could be desired ?—He embraced the religion of Islam in the eighth year of the Mokammadan era; was made Governor of "Oman by the Prophet, and was afterwards, as is here related, sent by Aboo Bakr in command of a division to Synia, where he was given by Omar the Governorship of Palestine ; he commanded the Moslim armies in Egypt, which he completely con-
quered ; was afterwards appointed one of the umpires ( ope! 1) in the disagreements of M’oawiyah and Alyi; and died, according to Ibn Yoonos (apud Icdbah,) A. प्र, 43. al-Sh’obf (apud Dzohabt’s Biog. Dict.) says ४१४२ ।;) - yt a Ky alae — ९५) | र ya) | ४७ 44} eB ५५, 3 ६. wt Full notice of his Egyptian campaign will be found in the Fotooh al-Micr, so carefully edited by the critical Hamaker,
oO
( 34 )
called the Ghawr, Baisin yous b 5 BEE lus ger HIM | cl pwdy JS ७” pale ५।॥ gens JE ME pid ८८ SAE । \ 5; - ५. Balas ७5 3 “lel op ४५४८ yl Lol] GL! ५:४० ७) ; Line! Ze}
Bed] yD ८.०] 1५2 planed Ibn Bafoofah who was in Syria about the
year A. D. 1325, tells us that he proceeded along the river from Ajlawn and came to a valley between two mountains called al-Ghawr, where he saw the tomb of the Amin al-ommat Aboo ’Obaidah. Burckhardt places this tomb near Hamat, (Apameia,) on the banks of the Orontes. “To the S. E. of the castle,” says he “on the right bank of the river, is the
tomb of a Sheikh called Aba Aabeyda el-Djerrah ==) loge ८] ”
(p. 148.) It is very much to be regretted that Mr. Burckhardt was not a better Oriental scholar :—A truthful narrator of what he saw, had it been otherwise, his travels would have been valuable : but at present, for histo- rical or geographical purposes, his works are almost worthless. In the Map which is placed in the frontispiece of his “Travels in Syria” in its proper place will be found the ३५५८ ५.5) 1 The error is unex- plained.—(See p. 346.) .
Page 18, line 22. SX yt ५४१५ Bal J} ody yl 0523 —This cére- meny consisted in the Khalifah tying, with his own hands, on the head of the general's spear, a kerchief : I do not fancy that he tied the colors on
to the color staff. The’ custom was an ancient one amongst the Arabs, and the same practice was observed in the investiture of the standard-
bearer of the Kabah with the insignia of his office ( 9] ) Said
b. Khélid was bor, it is said, in Abyssinia, when his father and mother fled there to avoid the persecutions of the Qoraish against the first converts.
Page 20, line 3. $55)! yl —Regarding Aboo Arwi, Ibn Hajar says, ‘neither his name or pedigree are known,” Ibn ’Abd al-Barr says
his name was Rabiyah, and that he was known by his cognomen, under which head he has noticed him. The copy of his work I have used, is not, I
( 88 )
Page 17, line 14. 2. os ५५-०9} —Tbn Hajar has a notice of al-
Acyad, but does not mention anything regarding him or DhahAak in connection with the Syrian campaign. Nawawi, Ibn ’Abd al-Barr, and Dzohabi are also silent on this head.
Page 18, line 18, 72 U==* ut । Jas —mohajil generally implies a horse with one hind foot white, but it may be used to denomi-
nate a horse with two, three or four white feet, as ६29) j==* taligah
has a similar meaning, but I am not sure if it can be similarly used. Here I fancy the words simply refer to the excellence of the horses of Yaman ; both occur frequently in Hadith in a different sense, but I cannot find the Hadith here alluded to any where.
Ibid, line 19. += —al-Jorf was situated a short distance from: Madinah ; Nawawi says two miles. There were places of this name in Yaman, and Yamamah, and one also near Makkah.
Ibid, line 20, ४५४2 >) —This excellent and worthy Moslim
would seem to have been highly respected by all ranks of men. He is commonly called the son of his grandfather, why, I know not. He
is described in the Irabah as follows च. + | ट ] == wf BIC x! ५.५ > ot ^< ८.०८] ति. | ws ४ pti] | ds] 9 bey) yao ol 30> ul Brus) y ५५.८२ ,5 4] cle | up He was present at Badr
and all the subsequent battles of the Prophet ; was, as is mentioned in the text, made Commander-in-Chief of the armies in Syria by Aboo Bakr, and by him was again deposed to make room for Khalid: 8० great however was Khilid’s respect for the Amfn, that on assuming the command, he wrote him an apologetic letter, acknowledging his supe- riority, expressing his regrets, and declaring his determination to be guided by his counsel, (see Aboo Isma’ail’s Fotooh, p. 62). ’Omar, ` immediately on his accession, reinstated him, but he did not outlive the campaign. He was killed at -T&aoon ’Amwés, and buried in a valley
ह :
J ) ६;
x WR Lipp SNOR 4/1 . 6
1; प्स) ४
( ॐ2 )
the affairs of Tihimah, "Oman, and Bahrain. Contrary to the opini- on of most authors, I think it appears doubtful whether Khalid b. al-Walid also, returned to Madinah or not, before going to "Iraq and from thence to Syria. The story, related by Tabari, of his making the pilgrimage from al-#irah does not appear worthy of credit.
Page 16, line 17, म] dae ६ d= —This sanad, like most others in this work, is evidently wrong. I only allude to it to correct a
typographical error :—The foot note should run ८/९ a} osc ५ 5५५ ५.14 } yt bi} «~ कि + | ५१ १-१.५५.० Ibid, line 18. .—5z\b5) —al-Tuif, the city and country of the
Thagifites, who are celebrated as having endeavoured to make an extra- ordinary compromise with Mohammad, (Qorin Chapter XVIL.,) is situ- ated between the valleys of Loqaim and Waht. Its name is derived,
according to Moslim tradition, from the word +; because 1६. floated
( Tafat) on the waters of the deluge, or because Gabriel encircled ( Tafa) the K’abah with it, or because it was once in Syria, and God brought it, at the request of Abraham, and placed it in Hijaz, &c.—( Q4moos. )
Ibid, line 21. Uys 2) 1 ५ ५४४ a3] ५४२४ ¥} —Our author was
determined to make the number of infidels to which one Moslim thought himself equal, sufficiently large. It was not originally permitted a Moslim to flee from less than eleven men. Mohammad himself says (apud Qorin, S. Anfal, J. 10, 7. 3.) “Oh Prophet, incite the true believers to do battle, for if there be of ye twenty patient men they shall overcome two hundred, and if there be a hundred they shall overcome a thousand infidels, because they are a people who believe not tz God and the last day.” This diyat is considered by Divines abrogated by the follow- ing one, which gives to one Moslim the strength only of two kéfirs. °
Page 17, line 1. ह) —al-Baqi’i, इ, €, Bagi al-ghargad, is
४ place situated outside Madinah, called so from there being a number of the ghargad tree there. It was the burial-place of the city.
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Syria. It appears that he met his death in these wars ; but authorities differ so materially as to the battle in which he was killed, it is difficult
to select any of those mentioned ८९ (| Sse ८.7 gpl oy! dew cst Bll cred ot le og च> ep Bk ८९ ra ७ % one
Page 16, line 8, (2० ८. >=!) —al-Harth b. Hishm fought both at Badr and Ohad against the Prophet, and did not embrace Islam until the conquest of Makkah. I do not find this account regarding the depar- ture of Sohail, Ikrimah, and al-Harth, related elsewhere, but it is stated
in the Ic&bah (Art. Harth,) that “he went forth from Makkah with his wealth and family to Syria, where he remained fighting until God finished
४9001 "Amwas.” [2078073 notice of him is similar. 2 (४.2 wr ८) | styl | yoy] ore yl 21 ७२ et os! ९41} ose ९. Errol]
(abel) aly! ७२ Md (^ op Dee Coil 9S) ५ 5;
Ibid. Je ५.5) wf ०, —Nawawi (Biog. Dicty., p. 430) states, without giving his authority unfortunately, that Aboo Bakr sent him against the rebels in .Yamamah, and afterwards to Syria, and “As soon,” says he, “as the army had assembled at al-Jorf, which is two miles from Makkah, Aboo Bakr went out to inspect it.” *Ikrimah, like his father, was, up to the taking of Makkah when he pro-
fessed Islamism, one of Mohammad’s bitterest enemies. He was killed in the Syrian wars, at what battle I know not :—but Nawawi
shall speak for himself (तिमत (49 9 ८.2५ dite, न in ८6. pr ८० ४ 9. ८.० ५50 ‘Iifimah’s pedigree, as given in the दशो), is as follows ८ नग ८ ¬+ ७९ ५८ ५ ७ फन ८९ ple ७ gre Lem cel
oon vst 2.7 ——Saif (apud Tabari,) says he reached Aboo Bakr about the same time as Dzoo al-Kala’a after having settled
him in excellence ( ps a aly] ^~ ५5 ) atthe battle of TH’
( ॐ0 )
Page 15, line 16. @&@ aU) ase 78; (51 pe —'Abd Allah here is the Khalifah’s name, but I am of opinion it was the custom of the early
Khalifahs, at the head of all written documents to style themselves, ८५ Servants of God,” (see Aboo Ismia’ails Fotook, p. 122 N.)
Ibid, line 20. £ I yas } —Qoran 8. Tawbah, J. 10, 11.—From a perusal of this work, and the notice of the numerous and well-selected passages of the Qoran contained therein, it will be forcibly demonstrated how well furnished the latter work is, with texts calculated both to incite a religious zeal, and infuse a warlike spirit into a people just freed from the trammels of idolatry :—Paradise with its Hoors and Ghilmans awaited all martyrs. | [र ।
Page 16, line 4. stl | = is] ed, —The seal of the Prophet descended to Aboo Bakr, and was transmitted by him to >Omar, from whom it came into the hands of "Othman. It was acci- dently dropped into a well in the garden of Aryis by a servant of his, named M’oaiqib, and, although ’Othman caused every drop of water to be taken from the well, the seal could not be found. Moham- madans, comparing this seal to that of Soliman, superstitiously connected the welfare of the dinasty with its safety, and ascribed the subsequent murder of ’Othman to the loss of the charm. It was made in a ring, of
gl} ‘Silver, and bore on its beazel the words in the margin :—
such is the account to be found in the Shamail al-Tirmidzi.
Jy If it be admitted that Mohammad could not wnite, or wrote
ds=* only indifferently, it might be that he substituted the seal in place of his signature on that account; but Moslim authors say he caused it to be made because the Persian, Roman and Abyssinian Kings would not accept his letters as genuine, without it.
Page 16, line 5. %5)d> wt aU} ५८ —Tbn Hajar in his Dicty. gives a Companion of this name, but I do not find any allusion made to this campaign. He states, on the authority of Ibn Yoonos, that he was present in the campaign in टक].
Ibid, line 8. 2, ut Gti —al-Bokhari (apud Ig&bah,) on
the authority of Ihn Soma’ia, says, hc was among the first who entered
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Page 14, line 22. yy ५.5 ud ] | } 2X 9 —Rules for the di- vision of spoil will be found laid down in the 8th Chapter of the Qoran From an impartial view of the case, and also from what appears to have been the prevailing custom, I should fancy it was the intention of the Prophet, that four-fifths should be equally divided amongst the comba- tants, and the remaining fifth lodged in the bait al-mdl, to be used ac- cording to the rules laid down for the distribution of wealth deposited in that treasury ; but Mofammadan Doctors of Divinity, with their usual love for disagreement, differ very materially in their opinions on this point.
Page 15, line 2. (ps) up ५1५ —Shaddd b.. Aws will be fre- quently mentioned in these pages. According to Ibn ’Abd al-Barr his pedigree was as follows ddl ८.९ eet ७2 ८. op ५५ ५1५4, ७८ dla!) ८. Fake JE ; ५4 -- J, ८ । 2. — Ns, ८57२ WY ७ yal 71 तए SF Me Ce pat ८९ ८८ pull Ul ७19 pldl ay 3 (=) ays 9 (= aie 3; lal Jay! ls ly els ) all} x5) us? ry! wo d) an Udy Ibn S’ad (apud Dzohabi,) says (५/२ ५१ ८८ += wy uf yp gow ८० ५ 5,+> | ws do] pity pris ads dy) wi=] uf GY 1 Js ७५५५ ८) wT d ५.४ 3 ala) | wT ४ ७५५८ ५ te) } , ८२5) 9) ay ] These two extracts are, I think, of some importance ; it is herein particu- larly specified by old writers that Shaddad was a man of learning, and
also that he related accounts, (of these wars probably,) which the people of Syria retailed.— Was he an author ?
८ f 2 Page 15, line 9. gp yp os” | 1४ 3 —This is the custom to this day among Moslims : it is based on the sonan.
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Page 18, line 6. ` ८४४ ७४) —I would here mention that I do not find that this skirmish at Tabook, and also the subsequent battle, is made mention of by other historians ; but it also appears to me that Ibn Ishaq and others who have written on these matters while following Khalid in his route from. Yamamah, have dismissed Yazid’s journey very summarily. The tale here related of Rabiyah b. ’Axmir is very similar to that related by Aboo Isméa’ail regarding M’oddz b. Jabal, (see his history, p. 100 ;) and the account of Aboo Ismi’ail again is so similar to that which I find in Mas’aoodi’s work, (Sprenger’s Trans. p. 248,) related on the authority of Ibn al-Kalbi and Aboo Mohnif, of
Abd al-Masth, that I suspect some confusion. The latter story appears
very incredible ; so of the three I would give the preference to that of the elder author, Aboo पक्षम, Mas’aoodi quotes apparently both Ibn al-Kalbi and Aboo Mohnif, but I rather think Ibn al-Kalbi took the greater portion of his account of these campaigns from the latter.
Ibid, line 12. £ | =” —Qorin Soorah, एक अदा), J. 5, ए. 1. £ | ८०) pet —S. Baqarah, J. 2 r. 7. £ | ५.५ —Ditto. ral sla .pe— 8. An’aim, J. 8, 1. 7. 21 eu} ५) —S. 4४, J. 20, r. 3.
Page 14, line 11. 2:..~ «¢ Jira pit —Here first occurs the
name of this celebrated character. His name is correctly printed, which I mention, as he has been so frequently misnamed Sharjil, Sharhil, Sarjil or Sharahil. He was one of the scribes of Mohammad and is usu- ally styled the Secretary of the Prophet. Hasanah was his-mother, but there is much difference of opinion regarding his pedigree ;—The following I extract from the Isti’aib ८ rapt Py ue os apt UJ 1542 ६४; ust wore ६५५5 ot oy ५ ८५०५ । ५९ él) src ६0 ५०८ 1 ७४ GP yay Ugh ००५० hina!) Dalee ८. (0 opel OF ५0) lbs) ८.९, sli] ely! ५
ee
( 27 )
that this is the correct sanad, for, after consulting many authorities, I cannot make out the relationship to Shaddad ; but it is a possible one, for I find that Aboo ’Abd Allah took Hadith from Aboo Horairah (and therefore he might from Shadd4d,) and that al-Harth took them from him. From the comparison of the corresponding sanads, how- ever, we have just as good data for here making three sanads ;
when the whole would stand thus त= i> ८. ५८८ wr ~< gh wy मै 1; ५ dos” wo ५5 9 err of (१६.१६.५५ wf yoy! } wf oY } of pluve of al} ue ws OnE” y ८) of <= ५.2) ५ ५ 1५. On reference to the isndd as in Col. R.’s copy it will I think be allowed, at least by most Orentalists, that a blundering katib,—or perhaps one who knew sufficient to make him attempt correc- tion and consequently ten thousand times worse,—would, in copying isndds such as I have given, make something very like that in the copy referred to.
Page 11, line 12. 45), wt ci —Qaddak was, I suppose, a Christian Arab and a resident of Syria. I do not find mention made of him elsewhere.
Ibid, line 13. Suc ws 15) ८८०) —It is almost needless to say that the words banoo ’Amm must not always be translated literally. The general acceptation of them is I should say kézsmen: here I would trans-
late countrymen, but the context in such cases will generally be a sufficient guide throughout this work.
Ibid, line 20. £ } Warez .J —Qorin Soorah Tawbah, J. 10, x. 12. Page 12, line 5. ५५ ८] Le —Here we have the same constnuc-
tion as previously noticed (p. 21 Notes,) and we must also translate si- milarly viz., I will not alight.
Ibid, line 16. &॥ ८६०५ 10 —Qoréin Soorah Tawbah, J. 11, tT. ©.
( 20 )
Nobis inhiant, nos in potestatem redigere cupiunt. (01000 al-Micr p- 11 चि.)
Page 10, line 8. £ | yp) —Barbara, “to make a noise or row,” is applied to all languages other than Arabic. It does not appear how the Arabs could have overheard the conversation of the Romans, or, having overheard it, how it was that they understood it.—It is not mentioned, though such may have been the case, that they had spies in camp.
Page 11, line 1. ~) un + ५ 5५५ —I cannot take a better opportunity of pointing out how worthless, as a guide, are the sanads of the three copies of this Work Ihave used. In the text is that of the Kin- poor copy. Col. R.’s copy has dhew td (८ whore wr yt ५ 5५०५
£ Jb ry! of ७।५.८ and the Tarikh Hoshaibari wrote ye Woe
esd! } ४५ ५ dos” we oye 2 \-| ro a err J 4/2 daw ६८१. wf र ७९ ०५ ४५ ७ ple ८९ AU) oe ‹ 5] ८. <=]
I would earnestly request the attention of the reader to these sanads, and further beg of him to compare them with that of Wagidi, as given by Ibn S’ad (Note page 2.) Were these sanads correct, they might extend over a space of 400 years ; but after a little examination it will become apparent that this lot of names, so carelessly strung together by ignorant Rdtibs, contains, at least, two sanads which, under correction ` (णि we cannot be too careful in handling these valuable records) I would _
venture to arrange thus yom #1 AE ४५> LF wrote of pyre gdm ०४] ८. err ५ disw (./ 581 was a Companion, and died ac- cording to Wagidi himself (apud Dzohabt) A. H. 45: why carry this sanad further ? Now it does not appear that S’aid was present in these campaigns, and for the perfection of the sanad, the facts required to be traced to an eye-witness ; we here find one, in the person of Shad- १६१ b. Aws dsc wel toy | wf ‘a | + wt ua of ५15 | wt RAY ( thm ) «~ gluse wr 4] - 1 do not mean to assert
( % )
Thomas of the Bengal Civil Service. Mr. Thomas in speaking of the futility of attempting to read names from Arabic distortions, has said, and well said—“ Instead of applying coins to Kings, apply Kings to their own coins.”
Page 9, line 12. £ 2.39) pale wale , —The praying of the Bishops, the use of the holy incense and baptismal water, is quite in keeping with the customs of the Christians of that age, and to be aware that the Moslims had not only an intimate knowledge of their customs, but of the whole of their Scripture, it is only necessary to refer to the pages of the Qoran. The sprinkling, or casting of frankincense on the congregation is aceremony I have seen used in the Armenian Church, and is still I believe practiced in all primitive Eastern places of worship.
Tid, line 15. gh pol wm of pene 7 7 ro pas] —The Sanad in one copy runs as follows ws? 2८) ८5५ | weg o> of yk Both are no doubt incorrect: I cannot find either Rifi’ah in any Biographical Dictionary. Several Rifé’ahs will be met with in these pages, and all appear to me more or less doubtful
personages. In the Fotook al-Micr I find three, Ibn Qais, Ibn Mastooq, and Ibn Aws.
Page 10, line 1. 8,35 ८०19-० ( 55 24010 ०५९] ) —T am not aware of what the numerous places here alluded to were, in which the Mos- lims were assisted by angels. The renowned battle of Badr in which Gabnel, armed cap-a-pié, mounted on his war-horse, at the head of: 5000 Angels, charged the infidels and turned the fortune of the day, has been noticed by all historians and commentators.
Did, line 2. pl BS ८८ (४ —Qorin 8. Bagarah, J. 2, 7, 17. Ibid, line 6. 19०9 —The sense of this word will not, I fear, bear rendering into our language without a paraphrase ; yet by keeping in mind, in connexion with the context, the meaning of its root, I do not think, in any place that it will occur, the reader can mistake the sense, or avoid seeing its peculiar force. Hamaker in explanation says Ne adversus te peccandi, imperti tui negligendt, cupiditate excitentur, and again D
( 24 )
tributaries of the Persian Monarchy, all warlike tribes or nations, and diffi- cult of control. The Alans inhabited a country on the borders of the Cauca- sus, and Isfandiar (the still fabulous,) is reported to have built a fortress between their country and the Caucasus, to prevent their roads ; this fort is still, or was I believe, in existence. The most complete and excellent account of these tribes, so little known to, and so confused by many Euro- pean Historians and Geographers, will be found in the 17th Chapter of the Morogj al-Dzahab wa M’adan al-Jawhar, a portion of which has been 80 well translated by the learned Dr. Sprenger :—A more valu- able work I know not, and it is to be hoped, it will yet be finished by the same masterly hand. The Jardmiqah before Mohammadanism inhabited Mawecil and the adjoining districts, but of the inroads alluded to in the text I know nothing.
Page 9, line7. \d>! eave ew ¥—In the absence of satisfactory
proof as to how the author of this Work came into possession of a copy of Heraclius’ oration, or became acquainted with the substance of it, Tam afraid it must be received with suspicion. On reference to the head of this Chapter will be found, simply the objectionable words balaghant and in the preceding page gdla and gdla al-Waqidi.
Ibid, line 9. £ | 1, ox ०५) | paste ys —Here occur four foreign names, among which we can at once recognise as two of them ` George and Luke, the remaining two Bafaliq or Thasaliq and Caliyé,
’ which in one copy is written Calibé, are unknown to me. Itis not impro- ’ bable that for the latter we should read Calooba, which occurs (apud
॥ Tabari,) in Ibn 18/६4, Ibn al-Kalbi, and also in Aboo Ismi/ail (see p. 57,n.,) but the author, thinking perhaps that the nearer he brought every
Christian to the Cross the better, wrote ५४1. „ It may not be out of place here to mention, that as any endeavours on my part to form a cor- rect nomenclature of Roman or Greek names, from the Arabic transmo- grifications used in this Work would be most signally unsuccessful, I have not attempted it ; especially as having few Kings to deal with, I am precluded from applying the excellent, indeed I may say in such cases the only true, test, laid down by our talented Indian Numismatist, E.
( 28 )
Page 9, line 1. el 9 up ५१6 dab —Kisri, the Arabic
for Khosraw, Khaqan, Najashi, &c., are mere titles, similar perhaps to the Pharaohs, Ptolemies and Cesars of the West. It is to be regretted that we cannot carry the similitude further, for as to the Histories of the Greeks and Persians, if we except one single fact, viz., the conquests of Alexander, it is difficult to imagine a more hete- rogeneous mass of incongruity. We cannot reconcile Cyaxares, Cyrus, Cambyses, Artaxerxes, &c., with the Kais, Bahmans, &c., of the Persians, and if we take Scripture History as our guide the Greeks are not more correct than our Eastern writers. In the latter we look in vain for some account of the magnificent and renowned victories of the Greeks: we find not an allusion to the famous battles of Ma- rathon, Salamis, and Thermopyle ; we cannot find a tradition even, of the 5,382,220 men,—the number I believe assigned to Xerxes’ army by Herodotus,—which marched out of Persia and never re- turned.— Yet -historians have reconciled all these things, and fixed, widely differing it is true, the corresponding Eras of the Persian Kings, in addition to which the Great Newton has made observations, and pro- duced, or is supposed to have done so, Eclipses, and other Astronomical phenomena whereby to demonstrate them :—Josephus Antiq, (I. ए. 3,) complains bitterly of how the Greeks altered and transmogrified words for the sake of high-sounding names and such trash : might not the same absurd vanity or nonsense magnify skirmishes on the borders of Syria into mighty battles, and small armies, into hosts as numerous as the sands of the sea? But to retum to Kisré b. Hormoz; Ibn Qotaibah
(apud Nawawi,) says of him, jy op OW ८ gly pty] Us pans , ८9५ ८.7 (> ४५ SMD y Grrl} dle १५1] Mle ll gd din C65 ०] ८ 1G Ane eed Las!) (de geile yp SUB bye ७]. ८ lope Iya y ८.४1 IG Lut yo
Ibid, line 1. —S yl pad y —The Tartars, (for the Torks in Arabic history have no connexion with the Turks, now called Osanlis or ’Othmanilis, ) the Ans (al-Ans or Alfns, ) and Jaramigites, were all, at times,
( 22 )
tion ; a portion at least is but one of the precepts of Mokammad, which he was carrying into effect. The following is taken from the Taisir ol- Wocool, and is to be found, the author says, in Tirmidzi, Aboo Daéood,
and Moslim. y+)! ye! 15] prio 4} (|) ८४ ५७ Us) ४५२४२ VF ws? uy ids ad] ५59५) 2.८. slo] By pus 3] Ue ude oy? 19100 aU Sar us? ५८) ++ 1}: SG ~ || - क | LEAD, Joy, LET 1,111.1. Sha) ७७ त~ OW id) (५ ८.41 (yo fue all 1५ | pl eee wi , ५५ oss Page 7, line 20. £ 19325 9) —This word is only to be found in one copy, the other has the following += 1,3 =? 9 In the Taberistanensis of Kosegarten I find 155 1 and in Aboo Is- mé’ail 199,33 I would prefer reading 992 (See Aboo Ismé’ails Fotooh, page 8, note. ) Ibid, line 22. £ | ॥ 15] gle ८५५५५) ——A portion of this sentence also it appears, although I do not find it in Biographies of Mohkam- mad, isa Hadith. The following I extract from Ibn al-Athir’s Ni-
haiyah yyos » Bye fia + Lol 2) (५ ais, \hal | Bad LS ८००० \glasd ey) ति 19 । } ५9 हि, 9० | las? Le Wyo pris ey) bL.,| of 1759 Loyd okey ५८) +< I suspect Mohammad’s words simply meant, spare the Monks and kill the Priests.
Page 8, line 4. ra wf i = | —Qoran S. Tawbah, J. 10, 7. 10.
( 21 )
account is, however, from the History of Saif ४. "काक्षा, of which writer I have no very exalted opinion. Examining his Sand for this tale I find it reaches but to al-Hasan b. Abi al-Hasan, who was not born at the time these events occurred ; whereas, according to all the rules for a per- fect Hadith he ought to have been an eye-witness. If the reader will refer to Abpo Isméa/ail’s History (p. 6,) and compare the two Sanads, he can judge for himself. His account is that of Anas b. Malik, who, there is little doubt, was an author, though perhaps not a book-maker. The version given by our author is, I have no doubt, the correct one ; it is that followed by Nawawi, Ibn Hajar, and most good writers of later years, who though not authorities, had most probably seen Tabari’s version and rejected it.
Page 7, line 10. £ | SI, \s] Le The arrangement of this sen- tence, being similar to that on which is partly founded the ignorance of Mo- hammad, is worthy of notice. The same construction occurs frequently in this history, and in every instance there can be no doubt of the sense of the words, which here, as elsewhere, can but mean, “I will nei- ther mde nor shall you walk.” Objection to the sense put on the
words 9) ५] Le by most commentators, has been taken by Mo- hammaden authors, and first noticed by European wniters in Dr. Spren- gers “ Life of Mohammad.” Aboo Ismé’afl gives the passage as in the text, but Tabari, (p. 48, Vol. I.) writes (4) 9) AU), ji 9 which is a construction something similar to that used by Ibn Ishaq in the Hadith abovementioned.
Ibid, line 12. é! dy] Bass —Thaniyat al-Widé’a is a short distance from Madinah, and was called so because the inhabitants of the city having accompanied their friends, who were departing on a journey, so far, gene-
rally took leave of them there, or, as others say, because the people took leave of Mohammad there several times, (Cihah al-Jawhari.)
Ibid, line 17. £ ws 3) —Qorén Soorah Anfal, व. 9, 1. 16. Ibid, line 19. e' low, | pias )) — We must not give the worthy Aboo Bakr credit for the whole of the good advice contained in this ora-
( 20 ) has the following passage, = ५० iam 9 ४०] 9 (५) ०.०.५५५] ~ 942 and Nawawi (p. 635,) makes similar remarks = ५०१५५] , > ust’ ple > 3 (6) gd» ५४-६ dro com > & prle, I, He professed [अक्षा the day on which Makkah was conquered, was pre- sent throughout the campaign in Syria, was appointed governor of Pales- tine by "Omar, and died at 7 8०80०, ’Amwas, (Biog. Dicts. of Nawawi, Tbn Hajar and Dzohabi.) Page 6, line 22. ole wo Bad ) —I have doubts regarding the cor-
rectness of this name. In the [द्धक I find but two Companions so named sons of ’AAmir, neither of whom appear to be the indivi- dual here mentioned, as there is no notice taken of this campaign. The proper person, no doubt, is Z’amah b. al-Aswad, of whom Ibn Hajar
has the following notice ८ (Sic.) oly | pole op ५99] ९. ba; as pis] crs us’ ५८5५; ero] ys) ४90 छ | wo? ys “5 sha) 5) 0 } ति Ro) ye >) % ५ os? Brows us? ५1५ SE pb + BBS orl ७ ge pt cle edged up Ere) leo, ws? ७] Bye hb G63 35 y cell wl all po Loyd shal? ५ ai <] USO 9 lagen ("9 arte all] glo ५ grill ee slog!) dam 74. 1 9 call us’ wyy*s2 9 136 ee | Ido not find that in the
several accounts given by J abari in his History, either of these persons is mentioned, (see Aboo Isméjail’s Fotooh al-Sham, p. 8.)
Page, ine 8. pS) ८४ 502 —This account of Aboo Bakr’s humilty, as also that of his admonitory oration to Yazid, is related in Tabari (p. 48, Vol. L,) as having occurred with Osamah. Tabari’s
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on the Lailat al-Qadr the trees bow, and prostrating themselves on the ground, again stand erect; in fact, all things bow down on that night.” It is probable Zabar{ would allude to this subject in his Tafsir, which, if Abd al-Haqq had seen, is worthy of notice. The authority for the statement is the Qordén, and numerous passages will be
found bearing on it. The following is, I think, the fullest °= १] wl ae Hy el 5 (+ ; (>) ५5 ५ ¢ =>] | ust? ^
(8. al-Hajj, J.17, १.9.) QU) ope tS y ~] y=“, (= , —So far the prostration. Regarding the gift of speech, we find in the Qoran (Soorah Bani अकी, J. 15, r. 5,) the following passage
॥ ust i ol 9 ot ot 2 53) » © <+ Wt (~ tes! cue) It is a disputed point amongst Moslins how the speaking
part is done; some holding that all cannot hear, others that all cannot understand. ‘The reason however assigned by commentators for the descent of the above dtyat, is, that those about the Prophet having heard his stick praise God, asked him to account for it. Alyi, according
irmidzi (apud Taisir) says, “I was with the Prophet of God at Makkah, when we went out to one of the suburbs, and he did not meet a tree or hill which did not say, ‘Peace be unto thee, Oh Prophet of God!” The instances indeed related of stones speaking to, and trees clouds &c., shading Mohammad, are numerous :—but he was a Prophet, and the Qoran is the Word of God, and Moslims have every nght to believe them: but when the author of the Fotoohit Makkiyah (apud Tafsfr Hosaini, ) states that stones spoke to him, it is quite another thing Mohaiyi Din was a Mystic Philosopher, and his mind having probably, at least in his own estimation, reached that highest state of human perfec- tion, on arriving at which eyes (and ears as it appears) open therein, ‘he was permitted to impose on the credulity of his fellow creatures.
Page 6, line 21. ७५५४०. च+ os +. —Yazid’s cognomen was Aboo Khalid, he was also called “ Yazid the good.” Dzohabt in his Biog. Dict.
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wy! ५5 ¥ Saw palo ५ 5५) ud | twos use | goto ast ] eshai ५५८ ysis lee NS) ed ९.53} " 42; SU ^ ie (15 ude (द ws pre of o2 ) ७) 3 # aisle als] el ys Le JI JS! 9) ++ shawl] po ld pil y al) Weald SLAs)” Jee aad Utz, HII 165] AU) pad pad de (७ ab Coy Lr W ail, at (०४०८) 3 The information to be obtained from Moslim Authors regarding Zaid, and the other contemporary apostates, is, as might be expected, meagre: sufficient only being found to make us anxious
to know more. It is but just, however, to remark that Moham- mad alludes in the Qoran to Zaid and others, who had forsaken ido-
latry before his Mission, and commentators do not deny jit jas IJ, WS Y Magis} pint) १) (< all) (Soorah Nisha, J. 5,
1, 5.) 9६६, Zaid’s son, whose cognomen was Aboo al-A’awar or Aboo Thawr, is frequently mentioned in these wars. He was one of the ’Asharat al-Mobashsharah, or ten companions to whom Mohammad promised a certain entrance into Paradise, and, also one of the first emigrants; he was present in all the battles of the Prophet, except Badr, and died at Agqiq, or, as
others say, at Madinah, A. H. 50 or 51, at the age of 79, ४१५ +~ 2 Ayers!) det y Yor det ८० igs Aster” प ihe} (j*8 (See Biog. Dict. of Nawawi, Art. S’aid.) In the Ismé प्रभ al-Mishkat, for which no authority is given but which is however
very probably true, it is stated that he died at ’Agqfiq, from whence he was carried to Madinah and there buried.
Page 6, line 15. Jus) 6 | ) —From the words which follow,
the allusion here is simply to the echo, but in Oriental Works, written by grave authors, we occasionally read of stones and sticks talking, and other strange things. "Abd al-Haqq, in his commentary on the Mishkat, states that ZYabari says, on the authority of others, “that
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diately preceded the declaration, by Mohammad, of his Prophetic Mission. He is reported to have died before the Mission by some, and by Ibn Ishaq to have been murdered on his way from Syria to meet the Pro- phet, of whose coming he had been informed by a Monk. Biographers of Mohammad have noticed him giving chiefly Ibn Ishaq’s account. 1 extract a short passage from the Igabah, which contains a Prophecy regarding Mokammad ; but I do not find, however, that Zaid, although he is reported to have set out for Makkah, made any allusion to this prophecy of his when informed by the monk of Mokammad’s Mission, which, to render the argument conclusive, would certainly be required :-—
the Moslims were awkward fabricators. com's 2 & ५2; wt ५2 (य JU Bary op pole dl म ५५ ५ 5७) ५3 Sl ple” J | orp Me po += +> ) 9 ws? च daz ७४ Le “pal! dle (~ 0 6 55 els prowl Sy po Us BG) ५] " dai) sar iJ} ler ७४ sow ०००५-०] ) % (०) UI, aS) us)! ५०) wth.) asc ५) ^ Pa cgi Vicia then OF dle OS y duds!) \ 5 ai) atl , wewib 5" ४, <~ (5 Kas] ys] ७]; Aina, sro, “ Kile ataw ८ Celeb) ५५ (65) 929 (= इर | ५.55 SU) Sah US, oul) (5 ७४ us! wy)! 2 च+ JS 4) ५2; ५ (708. As. Soc.,) gives the following account of a dinner, he and the
Prophet took together, or rather they did not take, for Zaid refus- ed to eat that which had not been killed in the name of the Lord,
Aske ८/९ ७59 ए ५५“ ५ Saas ६, ७9] up sax” ५५५५
ust 1 ७) *९< ५५] ust ८2 AU) one ५ aU) ५4 ८९ pw ¢
५८ (५ wl च coh Sauls त ८९.०4 ७ ५२; Lgl pale 9
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mah ५) Las’ ope Ul + Lb day +>) (7) 2०५] ८.2 dls | "11 81/11 1 1 S59 gd puns |GET JHE ale) Oat, ७५५ od oe > # 9 Mat) pad (५ ८८ prt abi , | ८4 ays] 9 +£; ‹ 5~ oe 2.2 9 ७) aU) ५८ «4 ) ५ (~ ee aS ५८] ) (9) SS ५ 5 Me ( +} wal ^ ७ JE maz Nd ( 65 2 In% This tale will be related in these pages and in
apparently almost the same words :—It is to be regretted there should be a blank in the MS. at this place. Regarding the third man, I find the
following \ 5 छि us! 8.9 HSI] BJ sss] 2०५} or 2०; SF pop | det (pons 22 । WAS us? 355 4: 2 ot Gia] ००५०
Page 6, line 5. gp!) > ५ (~ —The figure of speech by which the foot, or hoof, is here used to express the camel and horse, was used by the Prophet in a very remarkable Hadith, which I give with Ibn Athfr’s explanation ))) # +> 5] jai 3] od ९5 9 pw 9 ८५५ 5 BS ८४५ gd Cs] (+< (+> ८.० ५ 9 5 ८ wal (ELS) Cell) ४ pe) Cael) +~ ९ , ~ Mohammad never lost sight of the necessity for encouraging those prac-
tices, national customs, amusements, or austerities, which he saw wou'd eventually tend to the success of his cause. He himself used to practice
horse-racing— pale al] Jo) ७५४ fb Lagic all) us?) = ol of ( peal 1) ५)।५ gel bm po] Ley ८“ Jax! | pees —being however, of a nervous temperament, I suspect he could not have managed a five-barred gate.
Ibid, line 13. J3% ८. + oft ५ ut OX —S'aid’s grandfa- ther’s name was ’Amr not Omar. His father Zaid is one of the most
important personages who appears on the stage of events, which imme-
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Page 5, line 14. (537% uf 1 —Maisarah is made frequent
mention of by Aboo [अ] in his Fotook. Wagqidi writes, that Maisa- rah went with the expedition to YamAmah, according to which he would
not have been, at this time, at Madinah ४५) US ५.5 ८59 191 | ट. twos Js oy wy? १. Lge yor Udy (८ Gye (५ (~! (~; 1S) ७65 ५91 ८. ~ Lee ५501 9 W ५; ८51; abl ws” 3) % pute y! ५.5५ IJ} ८५ ere ४५ ly us? ust } ( ५ ) proband ८ ५ (0५
Ibid, line 15. eh । 2 ^ —This name is certainly incorrect, it is however written as in the text in both MSS., so I did not feel warranted in altering it. The man’s name most probably was ph | of OLS it is
however, also written with( » ) There appears to have been another per- son in these wars with a name so similar, that some confusion might have taken place, Saif b. "Omar, (see कभा. p. 98, where the name is written Qithath,) mentions both, and I find in Ibn Hajar’s Dicty., from which I make the following extracts, no less than three individuals having very similar names, all of whom are mentioned as being present
in these campaigns. (AS) wo ly ५4 daw ८५९] SU Ls abe K (4 ८ JU, Usin gt y glad 55 Las ८४ Beet ७ 0४७, -- THE! op Home pil Ee yey pe = <~ ७“ ¢ (5 le ८४ 9 Spell ५स Dzohabf gives much the same account of him except that in the copy of his
Work I have used he is called Qabab and some times Qabét, both which are, no doubt, clerical errors. The second man’s name 15 Qtyaéthah b. 058-
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YamA4ni. ws” ( Cs } Jy uh ८.5 M | ९<)५ x) 3 chav wr? 453 ils) 1 this is the person alluded to by Biographers, he was killed at Ciffin, carrying the standard of the Zayi Tribe, (ण्डु. Dict. of Ibn
’Abd al-Barr.) Page 5, line 8. ५ 5१५५ | pat ८ “> —Jondab b. ’Amr (not ’Omar) b. Hamamat al-Dawsi, a confederate ( Sar TTEN ) of the Bani ’*Omaiyah,
is mentioned by Saif b. "Omar, as being present in these wars ; he says, (see Tabari, p. 106, Vol. 1.) he was among the wounded at Yarmook, but Moos& b. ’?Oqbah, (apud Igabah,) whose tsndd finishes with ’Orwah, says he was killed at Ajnadain.
Ibid, line 9. %y2y® ॐ —I will not attempt to give this well-known character’s name, nor is it necessary, for he is known only by his cognomen. Nawawi, says, that regarding his name there were 33 different opinions, from these 33 he selects one ; Ibn ’Abd al-Barr increases the number to 44. The story of his bringing home the Cat, and hence the sobriquet, is too well known to need repetition ; but instead of the father of the Cat, we might call him the father of Hadith, for al-Bokhari, (apud Icdbah,) says, about 700 learned inen took Hadith from him, and Aboo Mohammad b. द्वया, that he related 5300 Hadith. The story of the conversion of his mother is a curious illustration of the effect of the Prophet’s prayers :—Mohammad having prayed for her at Aboo Horairah’s request, on the return of the latter to his home, she ran hastily to meet him singing out, “ There is no God but God, and Mohammad is his Prophet.” In sending him to Syria I fear our author has committed an error, as it is not probable that so im- portant a personage would have been in these campaigns, and not fre- quently mentioned, which I do not find to be the case. He may have presented himself to Aboo Bakr and afterwards changed his mind : such however should have been stated. He died at Madinah, A. H. 57 ; or according to Waqidi and Aboo ’Obaidah (apud 16809) A. H. 59 ; the former also states that he read the funeral service over ’Aayishah in the month of Ramdhfn, A. H. 58. Tbn Ffajar has allotted him nine quarto pages in his Biog. Dict
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He is thus described in the Ic¢4bah en Borrow ९.५.५८] Lopes’ ) es PK) aay Wl) pis 5 EN} ५५ ; aU ८० 2 (४ ८४ JI os) Jus 9 1 uf > | Je 3 ति ग ९2५ ५.२ 3 bla” IHS ७८० Co phew] bell ८2 Ope ७ ८ १ ७ ~~ rapt ~} Here follows some irrelevant matter, but lower down I find the following passage ey? ८० ट pol ५.5 2५२५ x! Sy) 9 etl Jel ५5} (ie, Anas.) ९५२ UI yl be (2 ८. em ८ BEAR) ८. 9 el 33 (~ ० ५ (ध He was present at the battle of Ciffin, where he met his death.
Page 4, line 15. ele us~Ls5) | ५] —I cannot find this Hadith in Bokhari, the Majmoo’o Gharaib Ahadith, or six or seven other autho- rities on the Hadith I have consulted.
Page 4, line 21. ५.५५] | | | Byrd of uw —Qais was a man of some note in these wars, and will be frequently mentioned. I take the following extract from the Igébah. uy? ४6०५ Cod) pe!) Fm 7 Us peel) asta ५.5 Kes | Saif Ibn, ’Omar does not, as well as I can make out, mention Qais (see Zabari, Ed. Kosigarten,) but Aboo Is- mé’ail does, very frequently.
Page 5, line 1. £ | aiken» LL, —These verses of Qais, and those in the preceding page, are worthy of notice. The expression of their sen- timents in verse is quite in keeping with the customs of the early Arabs : indeed from force of habit it must have been a matter to them of little difficulty. |
Page 5, line 5. ५.८५ | ५१५ wt (+~ —Biographers differ as
` to Habis’ father’s name—Ibn Hajar calls him S’ad and thinks the Ha- bis here mentioned has been confounded with Habis b. Rabfy’ah al-
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WS ( WU (द (ज » (द (५ त ८5 («+> १८००५] pal, WAU (नन 0 प ५058 ८ ८ Lely] easel र Gage = He ८० ५5 W ola, BEI 2 174 €~] 0 pple ० peu! pda] Hols Ladi JS WE 5 (72179) ly Wado « Gil, Caw) Jas Wl pend, BSNS jal) ५०] gd) (कः = Fal: US ७ Ui) (~= ८ W ye!) ५५५] Cpl ( (+ + Mis 5१७५2 6 (~^ १०५ ) 0199 (5५ (1 4? » (5 ib us? >> ८1५2 १२८५ shel] 90S Jw ८9: * ( ol op pa ii] ५.५ Wis 5 1५० (9 Id] + WS (= (>) ८5 0 Bole ७0411 ५6 >? easy + Fda + gw Sly cole १]; pst 455 Gy pall dle o Utley 59 (+) aren tle;
Page 3, line 21. 2204. evel —In the Qémoos the =e of this word, and of that also which follows it, १२५५} does not appear to be
fully given. The former is explained as follows, “a strong and fine-tex- tured coat of mail,” the latter as “relative to the Adites,” hence anything
ancient. The Arab bow Bay yal | Cy) was very similar to our long bow. This Work being a military History, a few sketches of warlike weapons, plans of camps, &c., will be given in an Appendix.
Page 4, line 1. ९ = ४4199 —Dhoo al-Kali’a is an impor-
tant character in these wars. He appears to have been the chief man amongst those who came from Yaman :—Saif, (apud Tabari p. 86,
€१५]2५ ett 3 ति | 3 ake ur? There is a difference of opinion as to
whether he was a Companion or not ; that he was not is most probable,
=
( 11 )
No. 678, Ed. Wiistenfeld. It is very improbable that As’ad was the author of these verses, or any that are ascribed to him; yet they are most probably founded on certain facts, or traditions I should perhaps say, and consequently of some importance. Shariyah should I think have ascribed them to the Tobb’a Shamir not As’ad—The Tobb’as have been very often confounded.
Bai JS gf LW 5) Lat) ५) yl ( «८९५५ ५७
(= ८ न phe oi phy yin aed ट ) YK, 2 9 IS SIR rps rics 0 4 65 ० oe wel ra Ie 1५ Siw ४ ) tale peel ५ 1५] 2. ८5 + ४५2 (1 १५५२१८५ JOS ४५१२ 91 BS YW, ति SL ss) 9) ६५); 9] 16५० 9, ach 9] Li, yb eae | ट” 1५0 rdw pire JS ५ 5, <] So 1. भ Bil ras y read Lytle JI Jal Lat Sb 65 Metal pathy 5 (ज ley + (0 Spe ५ ५ 9 Siw Wl, y ८ प ०) * UBL 2 (ना Edy be, 11 7 71 crite y IG 1 Gro aa gy ° WS (क Fal 1 Glut y WLM Iolo Bul] (२५ ८.० Pz = Wyte 3) CF yl} ८1५ += ४ नय" Upolu ८1५5 (स) प ayy ४८५. 5 (८ च्छ UU» प ८ + Yj ple NS (5 ( dale SI ds की Ohl eso, ४२ ) ४] ५४ eb 5 + La ८. ob (~ + Late LAB Ute pall gs » oS ५५ ; aig) ob bi,
† Sic. Of some other words in these verses I am very doubtful. I have but one MS.
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who underwent the ordeal unscathed being considered true, and = ९८८ versa. The Hindoos had nine equally-as-absurd ordeals, by which it was lawful to decide cases, and amongst the nine is one entitled the ordeal of fire, (see Ward on the Hindoos, page 44, where these or- deals are detailed.) In the Ramayana of Valmiki* it is mentioned that. Sita, after being in the hands of Ravana, the Demon, proved her purity by walking through fire—but Sita was a goddess, the wife of one of the most powerful incarnations of the Divinity. Sir W. Jones, in his notice of the origin of the Hindoos, has some cogent remarks regarding the emigration from Jrdn of the Tartars, the Arabs and Hindoos, and he says— Arabs have not even a tradition of an emigration into Per- sia before Mohammad, nor had they indeed any inducement to quit their beautiful and extensive domains.” Should we admit this, what becomes of the gate of Samercand? What of the Tobb’as Sha-
mir and As’ad ? What of the Amalekites,f ( ९८५ +) the Jorho-
mites ( so ) ? What of the taunts regarding their deserts, naked-
ness and half-starved condition, which the Greeks, heaped on the Arabs, and which will be found in innumerable instances in these pages :—Of their supposed riches there is no doubt they came from India. A true account of the ancient Himyarites has yet to be written ; but where all is tradition, to write History is not only difficult, but dan- gerous ; later Arabian Historians, notwithstanding have not shrunk from the task.
I have continued this note to some length, but I cannot conclude it without adding the following extract, with the accompanying remark- able verses, which I have not before seen in print. They are given
(apud Tarikh Hoshaibari) on the authority of ’Obaid, b. Sariyah or Sha- riyah for a notice of whom, see Ibn Khallikan Art. ey) (159 ।
* सौतद्ि' पथम अमि ae रावी परगट ARE TE अन्तर साखो
Hindt of Tolst Dds. ` † Amalek was the first of the nations ; but his latter end shall be that he
perish for ever. Numbers, xxiy. 20.
५ 9 )
Mohammad’s habits on these occasions. ८१1); | pole us toe’ wf 3 ix) bo} leas (~~ «< ५५ ८.) (~ orl 151 eS «| ८ 5 she 9 dal) ८ ७४७ (> 9 uw of! pa ७४ bd, YJ are all] ust) Urls ५. Sai + ८/५ Loss! | ८.८) eal] ey Sd EG iS lee ol ५५1 LG a) ८.५4 eS) ७1 wy ८ bP ८. (3 Le] 3 hos isJ] (५ post 3 0 | | ony! JSS १. otal JIE ८.९ (1 plu ; <= all ५५८० AU) (Sys (+++ Ja J) ८ sporti pay ey ८5 (15 ८ wea , ५2; Cpl] ५~ ~ Le ८५ Sas bua SAY) ainda 4) |) ०५५1 1 1 iS, 1 ade Lang Page 3, line 21. _yso>—Regarding the Himyarites, the Homereta of Ptolemy, although much has been said, I am of opinion there remains still more unsaid, and that the history of this very ancient people is worthy of the deepest research. Their language, inscriptions in which are still I believe extant in Syria, (see Burckhardt’s T ravels) and perhaps yet in Persia also, (Ibn Hawgal apud Specimen Geog. Hist. Uylen- broek, ) was distinct from that of the Arabs, which they declined for a long time to learn. Notice is taken of the Tobb’a in the 44th and 50th Chapters of the Qoran, and again in the 85th Chapter, where they are styled ५ 9| <+] in allusion, it is supposed, to the persecution
by Dhoo Nowas of those who would not embrace the Jewish reli-
gion. There are, however, numerous explanations of the diyat in
which these words occur,—al-Baghawi (died A. प्र, 516,) in his Tafsfr
states on*the authority of Ibn Ishaq, that the Himyarites had large
pits dug and filled with fire, the leaping into which by two con-
tending parties was a means of deciding cases, the cause of him B
( 8 )
on the authority of “Aayishah, and ’Abd गरष, Aboo Bakr’s
son. | Page 3, line 6. Sve ८.7 ८] —Anas, b. Malik, Aboo Hamzah the servant of Mohammad. Ali b. al-Madaini apud Icabah says, he was the last of the companions, who died at Bacrah i } (1७ sl ७.९ ५ ele be op Glew) Woe ५ ५५ ४1, uss SU palo ५ 54५ wo Uw! je His age at his death, which occurred A. H. 90, 1 or 3, as stated by different authors, was 99, 101 or 107.
Ibid, line 7. all] AE wth —It appears there were two people
of this name, who have been confounded, Ibn S’ad says there were two ` Jabirs. I extract the following passage from Ibn Hajar’s Biog. Dict.
4 wc ५ Aw) envy) 9 Ww ५८१. wy!) ५] dew uy! Jv (८.9 al} are ति > y ५४ ५) 9) | wf AY 9 pee os!) da] ex Oa US pb | ४८ 3 Bis us ew ) ds! | ५.८ usu ५१५. daw yi] Nawawi does not appear to have noticed that there were two individuals of this name.—See his Biog. Dict. p. 184.
Ibid, line 10. dy] —A closely-woven coat of Mail (Qimoos,) Vit. Salad. p. 189, lorica, (Freytag.) °
Ibid, line 12. ¢) |) wy Sy) |, jw 5) —It appears to have been the custom of the ancient Arabs to go forth to battle with their wives and families. ‘The cause, most probably, was, that having what- ever they valued most dear at stake, in fact their al/, they should fight more valiantly. In Biographies of Mohammad, instances of women not
only being at battles, but fighting fiercely, are not uncommon.’ The fol- lowing passage from the Taisir al-Wogool, will illustrate one or two of
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Qamoos, (which is seldom at fault) and the Majmoo’o Gharaib Ahadith, (of which through the kindness of a native gentleman, Mawlawi Khadim Hosain Khin of Banaras, I have had the use of a very beautiful copy, written A. H. 488, or about eight years after
the death of William the Conqueror,) give the Hadith thus Lard 9 j । 3) y (६५ 1.4 ८2५ (+९)१ ५.5 Thus far the Qamoos, but the old MS. continues ५६५० us usyj “~ ५5) Sle ght 5
Page 2, line 15. 2 [रि ly Gk Soorah Nisé, J. 5, 7; 4.
Ibid, line 19. 8) «+< ८.० —This letter is merely intended as an abstract of that written by Aboo Bakr; for although the opening would
lead to a different supposition, the words ८ ^ which occur after the
first two or three lines show that it is not meant to be a true copy. The contents agree in the main with the original letter, (see Aboo Ismé’ails Fotooh al-Shim, p. 5,) Abd Allah was Aboo Bakr’s name, given him by Mohammad in place of that which he had in the times of ignorance, viz. “Abd al-K’abah. His full name, pedigree, family, was as follows :
ws 11 ^ ५“ oy an wr ayer ८2. os wrote (न a} dno ध ७ OAS 5} ५ 5 tS Coy ८ ~ ८.९ te ( 2.०] ) palo 21} J) 2०415 dsl? 1 ig said he received the name of *Atiq from the Prophet’s having said (+ us! | >; yw! Sys (० ye च+ च 0 Phd wy but there are also other reasons assign- ed. He was among the first converts to Islim, (according to some authorities he was the first,) the Prophet’s companion in the cave, and his staunch supporter and faithful and warm friend through life ; he was pre- sent in the whole of the Prophet’s battles, carrying the Royal standard, if I may use the expression, at the battle of Tabook ; he was saluted Khalffah the day of the Prophet’s death, and died on the 22nd or 23rd of
Joméd{ al-dkhir, A. H. 13, after a reign of two years three months and ten days :—Such at least is the account of Ibn S’ad apud Tabari,
( 6 )
sage occurs after a dissertation regarding the Hadith above alluded to pro ol SI ail (55 Byam ५.) bell ५ ऊना ८४, ८ ot of E> Gye or [ 1 te ob 99 UHL ८७ ae} ८ ८5२५ op Whase (८ <) छ +| 9.) ८5) ay 1 ६१2 ५७ Jas} च ++ ५१५८१) LY ly pric ५८5६५ ce) Bile Saif says he was killed before the death of the Prophet (for his account see Zabari Ed. Kosegarten, Vol. 15४ part Sth, where it 18 relat- ed in extensio,) but Wagidi (apud Hoshaibari) says he was killed after the death of the Prophet. ६ & us 83} Gate we] Los 19 Jv ५८ all] ust) us! ५.४
Page 2, line 4. (1 > —This verb occurs frequently in this work, as
also in the Fotook al-Micar. ‘The Lexicons, however, do not give for it an appropriate meaning. Hamaker has given a note on this word at
page 119 of his edition of the < crs
Thid, line 8. 1 (~ 45 (9४) —Qonin. Soorah Mitidah, J. 6, r. 5.
Ibid, line 13. £ 1 coy) ५ ऽ 229) —This is a Hadith, and for this Work, perhaps, the most important one on record, as it contained a prophecy, the fulfilment of which Mohammad left to his successors. It will be seen, by the perusal of the Work, how frequently, and with what effect, were the Prophet’s sayings, and those portions of the Qorin that could be brought to bear on the point, used to stir up the ardour of the
Moslims. I have given the Hadith as I found it, because the authorities MSS., I have consulted differ somewhat in their versions of it. Ibn al-Athir
in his Nihdiyah, has the following \ ve y US )bive als (91 (~~; ७ oo] The Moshirig al-Anwar Wasa Vs)! ५.51 Lean 9) Cr 9 (~> Col gly!) the Majm’a al-Bahér (9 ( 61 ery j (ie. Sy] tila Ty ) ट 2)! ५) — la lee y (७१८० a4) 55
Two of these versions appear to me more or less incorrect. The
( 5 )
Ibid, line 2. c= Las] jis 3 — Both copies agree in this passage except in the lady’s name, which I have taken the liberty of correct- ing ; but according to no other authority can I find that Sajah was killed. I extract the following passage from the Igabah WY ट (=° ob ad a, Fol 5 स col gill । doy] ( ५८११०६५] ) (+ 3 3 Cole 3 $5 2० GS 1.1 al-Makin has y=] ey cle ol (11 Bw) Qs y <>> + wax} dobre ud } ५१५. 48९१] ५.6 co By | \eeoys ud | (८१1 | ‘a WS sake ७०११] 9 © Icannot refrain from here noticing the difficulty experienced by an Editor re- garding proper names, and it would have been perhaps better to have given this name as I found it. In one copy, it is written = in another ¢le* and third g's” al-Makin (Ed. Expenius) writes cs and Yabari (Persian text MS. As. Soc. Bengal) ~“
In the Arabic text कम, both my copies of the द्द), and the Qumoos, in which latter the vowel points are given, I found it as in the text.
Ibid ६ 5५] Syu3) >—Most good authorities hold that this person- age was killed either during the life of Mohammad, or when he was on his death-bed. With the circumstances connected with this event, if some ac- counts be true, there is rather a dark page in the History of Mohammad, which however it is unnecessary for me to open. He met his end by the hands of Firawz al-Dailami and two others. It is held (apud Ica- bah) by Ibn Mandah and several others, that Firawz was not a compa-
प्ण of the Prophet's, but there is a well known Hadith w=) ८] ) &८., cl) on his authority. The following passage from the Biog.
Dict. abovementioned is worthy of notice ; the name of the authority unfortunately the transcriber could not read, and left a blank. The pas-
( 4 )
Ibid, ८५८9, Najih mawla Hashim (Bani Hashim).—Ie is stated in the Biog. Dict. above quoted that he died A. H. 170. Amongst others he took Hadith from S’aid al-Magbori, and Hisham b ’Orwah, and related them to al-Thawri. Aboo M’ashar, i. e. Najih, (he is improperly called Aboo S’afd in Col. R.’s copy) is an important personage, but there are doubts as to his veracity. ^ Yaya b. S’aid did not receive his relations, and smiled (in contempt) when he mentioned him ;” others also did not con- sider him strong, but their opinion probably refers only to his relations of the Prophet's sayings. Aboo N’oaim says, “ he was a man of great shrewdness and had a good memory ;” Ahmad b. Hanbal, that “he was trustworthy,”
( (५ ) and Aboo Hitim that “ Ahmad b. Hanbal said he was very strong in the History of Military campaigns.” ५४५ < ws
Of the remaining authorities mentioned in the opening page I can find no notice.
Page 1, line 1. Mosailamah b. Qais.—Mosailamah’s father’s name is in both copies of this work as in the text. Notwithstanding he was so ce- lebrated a character, I find considerable discrepancy in works as to his pedi- gree, Nawawi (p. 554, Ed. Wiistenfeld,) says > ८८ Bolu > Karin ५५५ wr? > ) Bilidzori it appears differs :—Hamaker states (apud Fotooh al-Migar, p. 46, N.) Plenum nomen Mosaileme:, quod edits libri non offerunt, Beladzorw teste, fuit Abou Nemamah vel Abou Tse- malah Mosailamah thn Tsemamah ibn Kebir ibn Habib. Tsemalah I assume is a typographical error. The Qamoos has es of belive bs! 1५4 wf ५) wl “~> oy? Notices of Mosailamah are to be found in numerous MSS., but in those I have consulted he is simply styled Mosailamah al-Kadzdzab. He appears to have gained his reputation
as a prophet from possessing some knowledge of chemistry and sleight of hand. He is stated by Ibn Qotaibah apud Nawawi, (p. 554,) to have
been a Necromancer ( eles (> ५2 ) and “the first who intro-
duced an egg (entire) into a bottle.” He was conquered by Khilid b. al- Walid and killed by Wahshi b. Harb. A. H. 11.
( 8 )
one of WAgqidi’s authorities 4m ८. omy! } anc ५2 हि १ wr rye ८ Oe BIE ut 19 5941 (Sic.) Rule ८ € 2२२ ७ GE op 483 (५३101 ) व्च ay; aie y all) aie ८ dole 9 ype thaw 5 wi 4.5 We have also a notice of his father, who died, Ibn S’ad says, A. H. 109.
Ibid, line 4. Nawfal b. Mohammad—I cannot find this name in any of my authorities. It should, most probably, be Moos&, not Nawfal, (See Ibn S’ad’s Isndd,) but, if it be correct, he must have been Moosi’s brother: of him, (Moosd,) Dzohabi has the following notice. Bic y ध) 21 ८2 ple) ८ ५५५८ | (४०१२ ७९ dom? ८.2 gig ८४५०1]. Moosé’s father according to AAmad b. Hanbal was not a very trustworthy authority, but Ibn S’ad, Ibn M’oin and others had a better
opinion of him. ¥, Vas? Wis ७४ ( daw) shaw os! JG ८7] By द (2०1 Loan (5 Ade ५ 5 abo ८ deo] = Fle 9 opt pe ८1 १५10] ५७८५) hve Ibid, line 7. M’oadz b. Mohammad.—In the same work I find the following notice of this person gy Slee 7) des? 7 dee (८5:५1 च| Wes? yp) doe? 7 dee ८149 5 ५ ef us! Bolas ७9 (10 (~ ७ art ८ OOS ८.१५ 519 Sul ८८ coy 9 (5) द ofl 5 (= pile ८2० alc , © IEE op) SU (5 ७४1 9 slab!) ८९ ५.८ ८
Ibid. ’Abd al-Rahmin—He died, according to Aboo Hatim (apud Dzo-
habi’s Biog. Dict.) A. H. 162. Dzohabi merely mentions three people, who relate accounts on his authority, amongst whom W aqidi is not mentioned, but
he adds the word clon There is a slight difference in his pedigree, fa- mily &c., a8 given in the Dictionary :—it is as follows ८५॥ yoo yJ | ५4 + (| ८ pall ५५]
( 2 )
give—and would call the attention of the reader to the very great similarity between the two—a string of authorities from Ibn Svad, which attracted my notice first in the "Oyoon al-Athar. I had after- wards the advantage of being able to compare the ’Oyoon al-Athar, with the original work, the Tabaquat al-Kabir, a good copy of which, taken from an old MS., is in the very valuable library of my obliging and esteemed friend, Dr. Sprenger, (See his Life of Mokammad, page 71.) The following is extracted from this work, the variantes (from the *Oyoon al-Athar) being included between brackets.
ie १२५ BE ८.८ SS ‹ 5 WW Le om 3 2y155
pomp] ५८ ८/९ ७ op? pat WW (5 ५१।) op ae cpt doce” LAS] of PMT ८९ HE ८.९ ५59 9 छ | € rit ५९ Sh ८९ ५ श्रथ Led! opt ~ ८९ AU ane uy des? 2 gan] सौ Syed) ( 2 ) ५) ८ ey pt Mare op Hepler ७९ ०2 (Sic.) += ८. 19 op ७] de op pee ८ abl ase , Nai) ३०७७ ol ७९ alll ५ opt ५४9 cody] ( 5 ) (120 ~ 1/1 up dan) » ८1५) ५५ am wp ५४1५) ‹ 2) +~ ९ 5? oy
५ 5) 9 daw ८.२ dose? ८1५ * Li] नोनं us Wes” y Sel (= ep OE? oF Let? ५51 ८ wx? W (24 ५2): oy ay idly ( JU ) pire 5) ७८ ५ ८ ph (+~ 1 9 ( Ju) row} ८८ (८-5५-५) (Us!) Ur! us! ८ ०५] ५८ op ५५. 0६? (<^ ल~ = ८९ ५ ^^ ८८ Arte ८. mle on G3 ^ Spay coi dae USING Lae: ( Ede ) ७5
Ibid, line 3. Omar b. ’Othmian—I find in Dzohabi’s Biog. Dict. the following passage, wherein it will be observed he is stated to have been
NOTES.
Page 1, line 1.—In the copy belonging to Lieut.-Col. Rawlinson the first page does not form part of the original MS., but being written on different paper, and in a different hand, appears to have been added subsequently. The chief authorities being here detailed, it becomes of very great importance, and as the discrepancies between the two MSS., are considerable, and I am quite unable to correct either, I
“have given one complete in the text, and here I add that in the copy of
Lieut.-Col. Rawlinson. ide a) 7, 9 ebay! । ५५, 1 ens ^< 4? doe? ab ५ +} (७ pls 9 aha? 5 a} 5 des? Lice anol of a! ८ yl । 5 ५~ ale al] hoc Kos] ,S]
pe ५ 6५ JU duc os! doo} ५.5५ Jv ८५५८५ ५५५५ ws 5५] €> est +^ pop hem ot (५ ७० ७ ~< ७ ess ७ AUIS opt dase? 9 (बय ryan) oy (णु op ip’ do (0 Ne ८ Betyg (य) २2) up ४ ८2 TE ७ MOS 5 ty I} AU] se ८/२ oe? (Sic) ५2८८) छः, > ppl we oe + ST dsc y slaid) wom ust ५५५० ; ५ 5०59 ५५५1५4८ pall] ५4८ 5 (अ९.) ase) > ८ ५८८ uy Ul ane ९2 of o> ~) DAL 3 ew wy ५5४2 uy dos” $ esa) nam cee wt er ५४ gi] Bahr) up Bred 2] Ley ५49 (Sic.) SL). ol OME ८/२ 1 / । of ५] ope les! ५ ८०.॥.० 9 eile 450 os ५४ ) usa) Fis!) ५ «=^ ८.९ pee oe ; } dy | of Pde SS a he’ ust ७ wits ५ 5:;+| crane ws dex व (SE oy 3 Maton ING ७6: dic al) 5b) Lill 95 £। — dos? Gogw cle Lol ai) (< aU) = In addition to this I
A
XXIV
which I cannot myself repose in them. Yet, without any de- sire to hide its defects, which, by a reference to my notes it will be seen I invariably point out, I cannot help thinking that the book contains more ¢ruth than most Orientalists have hitherto admit- ted, and that its greatest fault lies in its author, by the partial adoption of an occidental style, having rendered the detection of the falsehood a matter of greater difficulty.
W.N. 1.
Fort WILLIAM COLLEGE, 15८ November, 1853.
¬ 111
be taken at their approximate valuation, and can by no means be considered as accurate conclusions. If I have made some digressions, it is because this, about the most readable, and, the Arabian Nights excepted, the most generally known book, in the whole Arabic literature,* is likely to be consulted by other than the profound Orientalist. And if in making these remarks I have departed somewhat from established usage in editing Arabic texts,[ would simply ask pardon of the reader for having, in disregarding custom, followed the bad example set by my author. If I have spoken unfavorable of early Greek and Roman authors, it has not been with a view to disparage their works, with which, I willingly confess, I have but a very im- perfect acquaintance, but to correct if possible an opinion held by good scholars, that when, in writing History, Greeks lied, they adopted the custom of Oriental Historians, and for other before-mentioned reasons. And I would here repeat that while the works of Greek and Roman authors, who it is admitted told most barefaced falsehoods, are dignified with the name of Histories, I would protest against this Fotooh, in which the chief occurrences narrated are undisputed facts, being stigma- tised as a Romance.
I have no wish whatever to demand from the reader for the statements he may find in this work, that implicit confidence
* It is to be found in Turkish, I believe, in a poem by Mohammad b Mahmood b A’jé of Palmyra, which, according to Haji Khalfa, contains 12,000 verses. Under the name of the ($9) ly wo it also has formed the substance of a
Persian poem in three large vols. (4to.) by a poet named Mirza Mohammad Noorani. Two of these I have seen, and the following I extract from the 2nd—
ib de wo ps 199 jt O97? 4; ) SEN 9 ० # Led oll wye* | 4 Shy
XXil
ROO py OOS (+> Coe! code cy! (1७ dcle 9 ८००१ >> yt deg) Soe त~ ८» ey J pots Seal gt JU 5 Sys stood! ) ७१० JE MST (1 ppt Ome Gy! COE? (= OME Uy! Deal LVS ०० OME Gy Kea! 99 (195 3 18 Fores 9 US Lar &। ely yy Kons
Agro ८
The above extract affords much ground for supposing this person to have been the author. We see by it that his Isndds were faulty.* We see also by it that he took relations from men who died as late as A. H. 221, and it is also stated that he took Wagidi’s relations from Ibn S’ad, who died A. H. 230. Here vanishes then the great objection to the recurrence of relations on the authority of Yoonos b ’Abd al-A’’ala who— though of a somewhat later period, having died A. H. 264,— it must not be forgotten lived to the age of 96. He was born A. H. 170, and in the year A. H. 225 or 30 would, con- sequently, have been 55 or 60 years old. The names of other men also on whose authority I find relations, would induce me to believe that the work was written about that period. Such for instance as Ibrahim b al-’Ala b al-Dhahhak al-Zobaidi who died A. H. 235. Nevertheless if we can adduce so much in favor of this supposition, it must honestly be confessed that infinitely much more is necessary to establish satisfactorily a fact. More especially so, since regarding Ahmad b al-Hosain, I know nothing
I have continued this Preface to an unwarrantable length ; before concluding, however, I would mention that whatever statements I have advanced are based simply on the premises to be found in the two copiest of this work I have used, and must
* Which would to a certain extent exonerate the Kétib whom I have so soundly rated.
¶† The Tarikh Hoshaibari would appear to have been copied, though more carefully, from the same MS. as the Kanpoor copy.
२२९1
>= AU O26 gi! (1 JU (०८ uy) dare wr) Bee ot om (15 )
a} duc Gp dex? AY! ove +| ida ५७५ [ ८८१०२ ] ह > Uy? OL) ७? ५०9 1५81 ०२४२ ot AMI Oe WE (॥ ("० ७ (K. Copy,) psa
It will be admitted then, I feel certain, that from the evi- dence before us we are justified in assuming that we have the compiler’s Isndd to Waqidi; and if so, we have reduced the question as to his identification to a choice from among three individuals, viz., the unknown person who relates from Aboo Bakr Ahmad b al-Hosain;* Aboo Bakr Ahmad, him- self; and Aboo J’afar Ahmad 0 ’Obaid; and striking out, the unknown individual which, I presume it is admissible to do as, were he the compiler his name should appear in all copies except his own, we leave the reader to make his election between the remaining two. In this matter, I regret, I can render him but little assistance.
After long and tedious research in Biographical Works, and through the IJsndds ०८ all the authors I could lay hands on, I have failed in finding aught of Ahmad b al-Hosain. ` With regard to Ahmad b ’Obaid, however, I have been more suc- cessful, and I here place before the reader, the following valuable notice of him, extracted from the Tadzhib Tahdzib al-Kamél.
ple ait alee क cgolodyl रा poli ७२ One ७? Oval (3AM Ione + wry y' ८? (2)०२ र ¬ rele ८१ (1) she yt 8०२५ ८२८ ५५२. > Bic y ६७ 9 (5) sips (4) gb orto poly peel 5S oy > de” y Bs tpl (९,-८+। oe” Ly ide 3 us? Lea! yet ="! ८. sul
* The bin after Aboo Bakr in the opening page of both MSS, I assume is incorrect.
(1) Died A. प. 221 ; (2) died A. H. 206 (3) died A. प्त. 208 (4) died A. प्र. 203; (5) died A. H. 207.
XX
ness becomes, to the cautious editor, a most valuable assistant. I find in the very excellent work of the talented Dzohabi styled the Tadzhib Tahdzib al-Kamal—than which, - excepting its original, I know of no more valuable Oriental work,—that instead of Wa&gqidi writing on the authority of Ahmad b ’Obaid, Ahmad b ’Obaid wrote on the autho- rity of Waqidi. And referring to my copies of the Fotook I observe, as might be expected, that our fabricator has entirely forgotten, or trusting perhaps to the carelessness of his readers thought it unnecessary, to follow up throughout the work the necessary corrections with which he set out in the opening page ; and has consequently left us the most damnable evidence of his fraud. Without further comment I would call the atten- tion of the reader to the following Isndds, which speak for themselves: —To arrange them were indeed superfluous :-—
Sayrell Cols on ८ ८२ Oem! ८५० ८; 6०319 JG (1) ee ८ OAS Gy! Dea! +> 91 psd (1७ > + ८०५५. cpl ove we pee uy SU oy 2) न~ up all ५ ५५० Js (K. Copy.) & (१६१०० ८० dae? ८१२ all
Bd SE द (न eee ८ doa! Woe ७५१ JU r ) ta? ८? WI one ८५ (572 pw ८१ aU) one Woe JU pinay! (Col. R’s. Copy.) ^ Bn (+
०५ ७२ भथ et Pen! stam sg! कथन oy edly ८५ (॥ ) ८५७ [ soled] क~ ¬+ ८२ == ahh one gi! क~ । J (3 ग्ट ८ Wi oe ७ द plo Cy AU one Cy doe ५४५०० (K. Copy.) = gy SU one y ०.) ७२ dole! 3 ए)
* [६18 not imposssible for me in this instance to have assumed what is erroneous.
X1LX
bability. Were even my sources of information better I should not have despaired. But I have been singularly unfortunate in that respect: for, having no Library of my own, I have had frequently to take notes and make extracts in the hurried mo- ments of a visit. Yet although I cannot name the author, I may state what will enable more talented Oriental scholars, and those whose Oriental works of reference are better, and more numerous, to arrive at some more satisfactory conclusion on the subject. |
I would here request the reader to turn to the opening page of the book.* We there find these words Ble AU) Som) ७०19 poe २ °=” Aire 5:1 (16 Now this is evidently an addition, and should at once be struck out: when the opening would stand thus ८ Sy! (ide
OWE ८, deal sda ५७ eyed ५७५६५ ८२ cet ८२ dea Here should follow (soy yee wt doe ida JG and then the remainder, (somewhat revised, however,) when the Isnéd would read as follows, and all appear correct, viz.: ८२ deal cgoa JG ose ५५. ८२ (= yt Sy! Woo ५०५० Je (७००।१॥ +> Uy daz? AU °> yi! ५५५०० J onc ह ७५५ vy ++ But having laid down this order of re- lation, it is necessary to show, in a measure at least, cause for so doing:
I have said in many places in the notes to this book, that the Jsndds are so carelessly copied, or present such evident appearances of fabrication, that they are, as a guide, utterly worthless. Such is the case; yet, paradox though it may appear, in this instance, this very careless-
* Refer to page 1 of Notes which is the best for this purpose ; my reasons for not having placed it in the text will there be seen.
111
Now this passage, if it is genuine, is very conclusive; and if not, all I would remark is, that it is a very strange passage for a man to insert in 9 work he wished to be ascribed to Waqidi.
I must not omit also to notice one strangeand very re- markable passage, and it is in such passages that the very ob- jectionable style in which we have this book at present is peculiarly observable. As it stands I cannot discern whether the very solemn oath it contains is sworn by Wadidi or the compiler. From the repetition of the words ७०19 JS immediately after, however, I should suppose the latter. The extract being remarkable, I insert it complete :—
८०००२०८० Foletlls qual! alle 99 AY (5५॥ 41112411 dom, (59319॥ (1७ ८9 Goal! Foc yc MW dal bey Grail + ट pid! ba ps 9 WII at Sd ग 9 lew Sale AU! (० AU) pny lew! २८ ७8 pl ८5 9 += UW दद? OVS SH ys Bl Ue Lalas Ip piles 19०५ oF (>2)9 Als (२०॥ [da ple Bi! Vy (४9 odlvi Byd ८० 19 acim Ip pad Loy (०० Iii y goal SEU 19253.) pedi de aie 55 wy SNe 5 p05 9 ५५ 1911 $+ ४65 .9 Wedd yo (न pass AU SG ped +) 80 Jay yobs ब &। ५413.) AW 49) ०3191 JU bits Gyo (१०) aun!
Having thus assumed that the work is not the original work of Wagqidi, and having endeavoured, as well as I was able, to show, that it has only been ascribed to him through the igno- rance or deceit of some individual, and the carelessness of a Mohammagan public, I would wish to point out, if I could, who the author was. Were my copies of the MS. more numerous, and also somewhat more correct, I might have been in a position to bring my conclusions to something like pro-
XVil
very carefully copied, I have not hesitated to make use of it. The compiler himself* then, we are satisfied, did not make the additions alluded to. They were made for him. And such is the case, or rather, I should say, appears to me to be the case with regard to this Fotooh.
There are many passages in the work which confirm me in this opinion, and which will occasionally be met with, viz.: Glee dor ago Pll 2.9 0७9) ८० (>= (oP pri Dat JG lolicls re iS as Js! Ss ४०८ 9 959 AI (१० Byre yg Sd! mele Again if we refer to the “ Conquest of Egypt,” we will find that in it, 7 relations are given on the authority of Ibn Ishaq, 22 Isndds are prefaced by the simple words eyox! Wale Ji and but two narrations are put forth as the statements of वता, one of which, moreover, is traced to Ibn 18044. From these cir- cumstances it will be apparent, I think, that portions of the book are either bond fide extracts from Wadidi, or that had the compiler any desire to deceive the public he would have been more careful in arranging his materials. But the following extract should suffice to put this -question beyond dispute, and assist considerably in establishing the proper position of this work:—It runs as follows: (+0 +^, ५ Fp! wie} fl 299; y elated} ट » 69) ८१५० ++ J)! द proline! 3 (१25५) poss aU} OS 919 Byer Uy) Rie 9 # ge] ८ Kom” pec # was! wt uw GAS kage 9 Bly (+ ode JS + (००) | >> < Oox”
¢ cans (+~ a pee al us) a) Lal is? (> tals (१९ 2;
५८ uy dot? pd! (|+ aU! b sll pret 0! el wy + ७० +» Bled 9 & BU &; Ep yy gare ह nett (० wily it
[S52 <न US] ++ -॥ 2.91 ८
XV1
except in cases where they dictated their works to Secretaries, when it would not appear so absurd. But for the most part I would lean to the opinion that these citations, (I do not allude to the isndd,) together with some headings of chapters, &c., are all subsequent additions,
When this work was in the press I met accidentally at Banaras, in the library of Khadim Hosain Khan, a learned and oblig- ing native gentleman to whom my thanks are due, a large work in two Vols. (small folio) and though not complete of about 2,000 pages, written in a beautifully small and clear Nas T’aliq hand. It contained the complete history of the Arabs from the earliest ages to about the seventh century of the Hijrah. The owner prized it very highly, and as I had never even heard of it, and it had neither beginning or end, from which I might glean some information regarding it, I considered ita valuable discovery. To my great surprise, and no less satisfaction at having settled a disputed question, I there discovered this conquest of Syria complete, for the sly! (1७ of each chapter of which was substituted Usps £ ध ८५>-+॥ ए + > ‰ le) Js. A very cursory ex- amination, however, sufficed to show that the whole was a most barefaced fabrication; and so ignorant or so careless a fabrica- tor was the Kdtib, that he did not, or could not, distinguish between the title of the compiler and that of the compilation :— “The Bahr al-Mohit,” was the name of the book instead of the Shaikh! Who then was the fabricator? Not the compiler I should think, for it is highly probable that he would have known his own name. Be that however as it may, quite suffici- ent has been said regarding it for my purpose: the compilation is an excellent one, and being written in a very clear hand did me good service, and as the works contained in it,—at least this Fotooh, and the ’Oyoon al-Athar, a few pages excepted, the whole of which it contains and which I compared,—are
XV
ferent sources, and some apparently original; in which, as is customary in works on the Hadith, each fact related is preceded by its zsndd. But when we come to the chapter or volume on the “ Military Campaigns of the Prophet,” which is apparently ex- tracted, complete, from Wagidi, the style of the work assumes an entirely different appearance. We have no longer the careful isndd before the relation of each separate fact, nor do we find it even at the head of each Chapter; but in its room we have the unsatisfactory words ( wis ) dai, oe—And were it not, that after the accounts of some of the battles, the opinions of other authors regarding the names or number of the killed and wounded, &c., are given,—which might be an addition of Ibn S’ad’s,—I see little whereby to distinguish a difference of style between the two narratives :—Yet that the one is the genuine work of Waqidi is undisputed. Again it is very much in favor of the opinion that a large portion of this work zs extracted from that of Waqidi, that,—making allowances for the blundering of ignorant Kdtibs, or the doctoring (for such falsification is very common) of awkward and unprincipalled ’Adlims,—we find in the opening page of this Fotook the identical and uncommon isndd, with which Wagidi opens his “ Maghazi.” That the author had acopy of Wadidi’s work I have no doubt, but in the face of such evidence as the book itself presents, I cannot conclude that he did more than extract largely from it. In so doing, he has followed the custom of his country, and it is where he has abandoned this custom for the more unsatisfactory style of Western writers that he has committed so grave an error, and for which he is certainly deserving of punishment.
The ¢s°!,\ J so plentifully scattered over these pages, is not the author’s; and that it is not Wagidi’s, the aU) aa, is quite sufficient evidence. Indeed I very much doubt if Moslim authors were ever in the habit of thus citing themselves. It is contrary to common sense that they should have done so,
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accordingly : and that Historical works, being seldom read, and almost never studied, a careless public did not discover the error, which, though self-evident, has thus been perpetuated through several centuries. But I assert that the book is not spu- rious, because it does not appear clear to me that the author, whatever his pretensions to merit or otherwise as a historian may be, meditated any fraud whatever upon the public; and that if the book has been, through error or design, wrongfully ascribed to other than the rightful writer, the author or com- piler had neither hand, act or part therein. We know, or rather it is stated by Ibn Khallikén, that after Waqid?s death, his books came into the hands of four men. We know also, that Wagqidi wrote an account of these wars. Would it not be a natural conclusion to arrive at, that this book was written or compiled by one of the four? But of these unfortunately we have but the name of one, viz., Mohammad bin S’ad. The question then which suggests itself is;—Can this book be his? I certainly cannot state that it is; but before dismissing the subject I would say a few words.
Ibn S’ad bears a very high character, and is the author of many works: amongst others, of a work in fifteen vols, styled the Zabaqat al-Kabir. This book has been, not unfrequently, misnamed the Tabaqft of भवता, but having seen a large portion of it in the fine library of my kind friend Dr. Sprenger, it appears to me quite unaccountable that any such supposition should ever have arisen. That Ibn 8.0, the pupil and Secretary of Wagidi, should have extracted largely from his Master’s works, many of which he had in his possession, is not surprising; but there is not the vestige of a ground whereon to base a surmise, that other than Ibn S’ad is the author of the Tabaqé&t. The first portion of the volume I have seen, and which contains the life of Moham- mad, is made up of relations regarding the Prophet from dif-
Xlil
particularly, because it has, I believe, helped to damage the reputation of this History ; yet after consulting other Histories of these Wars, (as far as they were available to me,) I do not find that it is singular. To account satisfactorily for this I am, I confess, unable. If, however, received opinion were true, viz., that no account of these affairs was written for upwards of a century after the events chronicled occurred, the difficulty would be at once solved. For we must ever admit that hearsay testimony regarding even occurrences which took place at the immediate time the relation is made, is but second rate; and that when the distance of time between the dates of the occurrences and those of their relation, extends over the space of a century, or a century and a half, great discrepancies in detail must naturally be expected. What then, I would ask, must we expect to find when in chronicling events, this period has been multiplied by 3, 4, 5, or ad mfinitum ?
I would not, at present at least, accord to this History (not unfrequently styled a romance) the same place as I would to the works of well-known and acknowledged truthful Mohammadan writers; but making allowances for the peculiarites of the Oriental style, I see no reason to deny it a place, equally with the works of many Greek and Roman authors, in the historical catalogue. That it is not the work of Wagqidi, after the remarks made by the talented Hamaker in the preface to his edition of the Conquest of Egypt, it would be superfluous to prove; but that the work is spurious, I most distinctly deny. The facts of the case as they appear to me are simply as follows:—That this book at an early period, before copies of it had been widely dissemi- nated, was by some ignorant kdtb mistaken for one of Waqidt’s, and the headings of the Chapters, wiz., dea) cso Jli 4U|—which are invariably added subsequently,—inserted
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accession of the Slaves to the extinction of the Moghal Dinasty, ४, e. from A. D. 1206 to A. D. 1761, we have 555 years, (during which period it must not be forgotten there were many interregnums) to be divided by 42, (the number of Kings,) which will give to each, but little more than 13 years. I cannot account for that highly accomplished scholar Sir William Jones, while taking objections to Sir Isaac Newton’s chronological reformation, and admitting his own inability to perform the task effectually, having fixed the epochs of the Persian Kings or heroes, whose existence, if not fabulous, is, to say the least of it, very doubtful. And I do not think Monsieur Caussin de Perceval’s excellent History of the Arabs would have been in the least the less excellent, had he, with nothing but tradition to guide him, refrained from arranging the Chro- nology of the Himyarite Kings. Is it not evident then that in dealing with antiquity we should be very cautious? And if it will be admitted that we are not at liberty to fix by assumption the eras of acknowledged Kings, how much more absurd must it appear to do so in the case of Kings whose very existence is disputed? In fine, let us render to tradition the things which belong to it, and arrange not the chronology of events before we can claim them as historical facts.
Having thus glanced at the ancient and traditional, I would notice another phase of the case, which is more immediately connected with my subject, viz., that in which we have to deal with undoubted facts, the chronological arrangement of which is uncertain, In searching authorities and consulting the works of other authors who wrote on the subject of these Campaigns, I could not but be forcibly struck with the dis- crepancies between the chronological arrangement of the events as related by almost all. Here we have not to deal with tradi- tion, but that the chief events related did actually occur rests on uncontrovertible evidence; and I mention this circumstance
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known as Ancient History, and its elder brother, if I may use the expression, Ancient Chronology. If it be admitted that the Great, the Illustrious Newton, has improved the latter by the reformation he has made in it, I would with diffidence affirm, 2. ९. if it is permitted for so unknown and so ignorant an indi- vidual to hold any opinion whatever regarding the works of perhaps the most gifted of God’s creatures—that I would for many reasons be unwilling to grant more. Firstly, because, to render his conclusions just, it would be necessary to assume that the observations of Greek Astronomers were as accurate as those of a Newton; and secondly, because the duration of the Reigns of Sovereigns in all ages, and all countries, cannot be truly calculated by one and the same mean. Knowing nothing of Astronomy, I shall not enter on the subject of my first objection; but with reference to the second, it being con- nected with Eastern History, or more properly tradition, I - would remark,—that it appears to me, that twenty years is a period of much too long duration to allot in Oriental coun- tries, to reigning Kings. Let us take, for example, the Kings of the people whose conquests this volume chronicles, and what will we find?—That the reigns of the four first Khalf- fahs averaged but 8 years. And extending the term to the end of the reign of Mostancir b’ Illah, Aboo al’Abbas, the 28th of the Khalifahs of the House of 7400६48, which embraces a period of 512 years, we find that, including that portion of the Prophet’s Mission after the flight, the average duration of a reign was not more than between 10 and 11 years. Let us turn again to India, and the result will not be found much more favorable,—The reigns of the 10 first Moslim Sovereigns (the slave Kings) averaged but 8 years. Of the next House(the Khilji) three Kings reigned 33 years, And notwithstanding we have to include for length the almost unprecedented reigns of Akbar and his three successors, if we take the period from the
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the rules laid down by him do, that well-known maxim, which cannot be too often repeated, viz., that it is the first law of all History, that the writer should not dare to relate a falsehood nor yet to conceal the truth ;* least of all can we look for them in one from “ Grecia Mendax.” Yet we are gravely told by good scholars that Herodotus’ falsehoods “ have such an Oriental air, that he must have derived them from Persian authorities” it being entirely overlooked that if Persia had produced a
Firdaws{, Greece could boast of a Homer. That the Greeks knew how to distinguish truth from falsehood may be very true; for in the Chronicles of Athens, (dated B. C. 263,) as inscribed on the marbles, a very great portion, if not the whole, I believe, of the marvellous is omitted: but that their Historians told lies—whether from vanity or, worse still, obsequiousness, I know not—is also very true.
The Oriental custom of tracing each relation to an eye-wit- ness, is indisputably good. It brings us at once in proprid per- sond back to the times of the occurrences related, and enables us instantly, from a knowledge of the character of the relator, independent of the writer—yet never losing sight of the isndd—to estimate the value of every statement. We are thus in a position to judge for ourselves, which is infinitely more satisfactory than having as our guide, the too often but inaccurate conclusions drawn from erroneous premises of some crude reasoner. Regarding almost every thing anterior to our own time we should doubt a great deal, and be very cautious in reasoning at all. That all, even the most learned of men, are profoundly ignorant on matters relating to anti- quity is not to be denied; and there are few things of which so much has been written, yet of which so little is accurately
* Quis nescit primam esse Historie legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat ; deinde ne quid veri non audeat.
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this volume; has it not been admitted that Herodotus either blindly, or wilfully, imported countless fictions from Egypt? and I would undoubtedly question the propriety of denying that his accounts of the Persian affairs, are wholly fabu- lous:—That they are exceedingly hyperbolical, is admitted I assume by all. Turning again our eyes to Rome, do we not find that, that respectable Historian Titus Livius to pander to the empty vanity of the Romans has defaced the pages of his History by relating superstitious traditions, incredible fictions, and mythological fables; and disgraced himself by stating what he knew to be deliberate falsehoods ?—Yet these fables are up to the present day taught as History to the youths of Europe. If our author has put speeches into the mouths of the Greeks, where there is no apparent reason to believe, he or his final authority had either heard them, or could have come by a knowledge even of their subject; has not Thucydides, have not all Western writers more or less, taken similar liberties?
It is not to defend the author of this work in having com- mitted errors that I have made this digression, but simply to correct, as clearly and forcibly as I am able, a popular error, viz. that the East—which however is known to the European world in general alone through the tales of the ¢ Thousand and One Nights”—is the source of ail fable, and that no Eastern writer has ever written, or possibly could write, any thing but fiction or falsehood. Now, on the contrary, it will be observed that the authenticity of this very work is denied, chiefly because it is necessary to prove it by a test, which, were it applied to the writings of the Greeks, the sum total of what we would be justified in calling “ History,” would be immeasurably smaller than at the present day itis. If, as it is I believe universally allowed, in no writer, ancient or modern, have the qualifications prescribed by Cicero, as neces- sary for a perfect Historian been found united; containing, as
B
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of whose works I have found notice, and others with whose period I am unacquainted, yet who appear chiefly to have confined their histories to this Campaign, I would inquire upon what grounds this work has been considered spurious? They are, I believe, simply that many of the statements set forth in it are at variance with those of Waqid{i which are to be found in the works of approved authors; and that the style of this work (it being a continuous narrative), is different from that adopted by most early Moslim writers, whose works are written more after the fashion of a diary or note-book, in which each relation, or frequently each separate fact, is given on the testimony of a credible eye-witness, and which moreover it is necessary should have reached the writer through a chain of good authorities. This, according to re- ceived opinion, European and Asiatic, (to which however I do not entirely assent,) is, I believe, the nature of the style, which, in estimating a work simply by its style, is necessary to establish the respectability, as to age, of any unknown Arabic book. And it will thus be seen that ifthe early Moslims disregarded a polished style, they were sensibly alive to the necessity of adopting (according to their own ideas, at least,) the dest method of transmitting to posterity, the best History of the times about which they wrote.
Had the GreekSadopted a similar plan, how different that portion of our Oriental History to which we are indebted to them would be from what we have it at the present day, it is impossible to say; and if, then, discarding the question of the genuineness of this Conquest of Syria, we estimate it, in comparison with the writings of many Greek authors, simply as a History, I have no hesitation in giving it as my opi- nion that for truth, the mainstay of all History, we could not award the palm to the latter. If the reader feels doubtful regarding the truth of some of the statements contained in
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al-Qadami,—but of him or his history I know nothing. There is yet another work, which is known to us through the > Persian of AAmad b. Mohammad al-Mostawfi, and which is asserted to have been written by an author named Aboo Mohammad Ahmad bin ’Aacim (or A’atham*), al-Koofi. Of him Dzohab{ has the following short notice, wherein it will be observed he makes a slight difference as to his place of birth or residence. ^ Ahmad bin ’Aacim al-Balkhi Aboo Mohammad,” says he, “took Hadith from ’Abd al-Razzaq Haiwah b. Shoraih al-Himei, al-Acm’al, and others; and from him al-Bokhari (sic) and “Abd Allah b. Mohammad al-Jawzjan? He died in the month of Dzoo-al-Hijjah A. H. 227.” If this person really wrote a History of these Wars, from his age, and the respectability of the authorities he quotes, and those who quote him, the book would be valuable ; but as I have no where found extracts from this work or even seen notices of it,t I have declined to use the Persian version, which is by no means rare, but which, taking Yabari as a guide, and knowing the licence usually assumed by Persians in such matters—we are justified in concluding is not what we could style a translation. Before leav- ing this subject which for the History of these Wars is of some little importance, I would mention that ’Adcim b. Omar b. Qatadah (died A. H 120,) who is called by Ibn Qotai- bah, “ The Biographer and Historian of Military Campaigns” (५५ 3 raul ~~ may probably have written a History of these Wars.
Having thus noticed not all the authors who have written regarding the Syrian Wars, but simply those early writers,
* Haji Khalfa, Ed. Fluegel, p. 380, No. 8907.
† We cannot expect a stupendous work such as the bibliographical dic- tionary of Haji Khalfa, when compiled by one man, to be in every particular correct.
*
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their histories accounts of the Syrian Campaign, I might here conclude this brief summary ; but it is necessary, in addition, to mention one or two authors, who, I find, wrote special histories of these conquests ; and with whom, not having been able to find any biographical notice of them, or other sufficiently accu- rate guide (such for example as their isndds) I am not suffici- ently acquainted to fix the exact period at which they lived. Of these writers Aboo Hodzaifah Ishaq bin Bashir (or Bishr) al-Qorash{, the author of a “ Fotooh al-Sham,” ^ Fotooh bait al- Mogaddis,” and a work called al-Mobtidaéa,* attracted my par- ticular attention; because, from the very great similarity between the few short extracts of his work I have met with, and the text of this Fotooh, I have once or twice been inclined to suspect the existence of some confusion, and that the works were one and the same. I regret I have as yet had no opportunity of testing the truth of this supposi- tion; and when we recollect that the system adopted by good Arabian Historians, in relating the affairs of times an- terior to their own, was to transcribe kteratim the accounts of any author or authors of earlier date they thought most trustworthy, or whose histories they considered best, it will easily be perceived that without a knowledge of the writers, their works, or their separate authorities, it would be impossible to arrive at any conclusion worthy of credit. Ibn ’Asakir (none of whose works in original I have ever met with) makes frequent extracts from Aboo Hodzaifah ; and as he died A. H. 571, the latter must have lived at a period prior to that date,—but further I cannot ascertain. I also find extracts from the Fotook of an author called al-Qadami (or al--Adami,) or as he is in one passage of the Icabah more fully named, Abd Allah bin Mohammad bin Rabiyah
* Haji Khalfa, Ed. Fluegel, p. 380, No, 8907.
V
Of his (Ibn Ishq) work on the campaigns in "Iraq and Syria, extracts will be found in Zabarf; andI have been informed that the whole, or an edition of it, is in the Royal Library of Paris, Contemporary with Ibn Ishaq, though somewhat younger, were Aboo 1818211 al-Azdi, Saif bin "Omar al-Tamimi (died A. प्त. 170 or after,) and Aboo Mikhnaf Loot bin Yaiy4,* all of whom wrote accounts of these wars. That of Aboo Isma’ail is, through the liberal patronage which the Hon’ble the Court of Directors extends to this Bibliotheca, now being published ; and the greater portion, if not the whole, of Saif’s account will be found in Tabari’s History. Of Aboo Mikhnaf or his narrations I regret to say I know little or nothing, nor am [ acquainted with the date of his birth or death: for which reason I would mention that I have not arranged these authors in correct chronological order, but simply in that order which appeared to me to be the best. Next to these Historians comes Hish4m bin Mohammad al-Kalb{ (died A. H. 204,) commonly known as Ibn al-Kalbi the Genealogist. He bears a high character, but from the very few extracts of his work on the Wars in Syria I have seen, I can form no opinion of its merits:— I am inclined to think he took much of his matter from Aboo Mikhnaf. Contemporary with Ibn al-Kalbi, who died indeed only three years after him, was Aboo ’Abd Allah Mohammad b. Omar b. Wagid al- Wagidi, al-Aslamf, to whom is ascribed this Fotooh, but of whose numerous works in original, I do not know that even one, out of the aforesaid one hundred and twenty camel loads left by him at his death, is now extant.
As it would answer no useful purpose to endeavour to detail the numerous authors of later years, who have included in
* This author’s name I have found written in various ways, and I have before called him Aboo Mohnif; but I am inclined to think Professor Wiisten- feld is correct—indeed it is seldom he is otherwise—in writing Aboo Mikhnaf.
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not be out of place to mention here, contains the Fotooh al- Micr; and it is said—but not having seen these works, I cannot myself give an opinion—the Foteohks of Africa, Iraq, India, Armenia, Bahnsa, &c. To enter into an examination of the very numerous authors, to whom, from their talents and the number and nature of their works, we might speculatively ascribe this, or any other anonymous Arabic work, is not my intention; for, independent of such a course being highly prejudicial to the attainment of the object in view, when we consider that, as before stated, but a small fragment of the writings of early Moslim authors is now extant; and further that although we have some few fine works on Arabic bibliography, they are nevertheless very incomplete, such an attempt must ever be futile. Al-Waqidi (died A. H. 207), to whom this work is ascribed, left at his death one hundred and twenty camel loads of books. Aboo Raf’i said his father, Aboo Mohammad, com- monly called Ibn Hazm, (who however is of a much later pe- riod, having been born at Cordova, A. H. 384,) bequeathed him four hundred volumes of about sixteen thousand pages, all written with his own hand. Where are all these books? We cannot tell.
Abandoning then this uncertain train of argument, I would notice, as far as my information goes,—which, from the mea- greness of my sources, I regret must be exceedingly li- mited—those authors, of whose writings regarding these conquests I have either met with extracts or found other- wise mentioned. First on the list is Ibn Ishaq commonly called the Cahib al-Mogh&zi, (died A. प्र, 150 or 51,) the earliest known biographer of Mohammad. His life of the Prophet is not, that I am aware of, extant in its original form; but Tbn Hishém’s work, copied from the text of Ziyéd al-Aamiri al-Bakkai, of whom, though he is abused by a few, good , authorities held a high opinion, purports to contain the whole.
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the most favorable circumstances could not be in every parti- cular a TRUE account, would yet approach nearer to that standard of highest probability which, in relating the events of past ages, it is permitted to term History. In seeking then for an author amongst early Moslim writers, my eye was naturally directed to that period which I may be permitted to term the ^ Golden age of Arabic Literature,’—when the Kha- lifahs Haroon al-Rashid and his immediate successors, by the patronage they extended, and the encouragement they held out, to men of letters, gave so great an impulse to litera- ture, that the assemblage of talent, wit, and humour which graced their Courts, would have been worthy of any, even the most enlightened, age. Of the literary achievements of the early authors little is now left us: but, while deploring the loss of the substantial portion, we can endeavour, as far as we are able, to rescue from total destruction—a fate which has always attended, and must ever inevitably await, a manuscript lite- rature—the small remnant it may be our good fortune to become possessed of.
From amongst the writers of the period alluded to, the names of two stand pre-eminent—Aboo ’Obaidah, M’amar (died A. H. 209), and al-Acm’af (died about A. H. 216.) To the latter is ascribed that very beautiful and poetically- written romance styled “Qiccat. ’Antarah.” The former, according to Ibn Khallikan, wrote no less than two hun- dred books; and of these he has given in his biographical work the names of between seventy and eighty. Among these will be found the “Fotoohk al-Ahwaz” and “Fotoohk Arminiyah,” both of which would be very valuable, for — the History of these times, if extant. I cannot however find any ground whereon to found a supposition, that either of these celebrated men was the author of a work that might have formed the basis of this Fotook, which it may
*
li
were respectively written A. H. 773, 827, 863, 994, 1009. Of the two I have used, one, (the property of the celebrat- ed Lieutenant Colonel Rawlinson,) is 455 years old, having been written A. H. 815; and the other, (the property of Maw- lawi Mohammad Hasan, a native gentleman of Kanpoor,) | though not very: ancient, being written A. H. 952, is yet of a respectable age. In consequence of neither of these MSS. having been carefully written, the orthographical and gramma-
tical errors in both are very numerous, and, singular to say,
very frequently similar.—Little attention has been paid to the
gender or inflection of nouns (which by no means lightens
the labours of an Editor), and the discrepancies are so consi- derable as almost to warrant the supposition that there had
been two editions of the book. Whole passages, sometimes of
a page or more, which are to be found in one copy are not in
the other ; nor are the differences invariably uniform, the Kan-
poor copy being fullest for the first, and the Damascus for the ` latter half. I have invariable adopted the fullest reading, placing, however, the passage between brackets, should its
length or importance seem to render it advisable. From the omission of several of the zsndds, and also of some noticeable passages, it appears to me not improbable that the writer of Colonel Rawlinson’s copy had attempted to improve the text, or
correct it, so that it might present a more genuine appearance ;
but if such was his intention I cannot compliment him, for he ॥ most certainly has not succeeded in his undertaking.
The History of the Wars of the Moslims in Syria, as known to the European world in general, being based upon this work, it becomes a matter of some importance to ascertain its author, and consequently the exact amount of confidence we are justified in placing on his narrations, with a view to arriving at a conclusion as to whether it is now advisable to compile from other sources, a work which, although under
।
Y ce. J
| PREFACE.
= Ir is not critical certainly to publish a work without giving _™ the author’s name, but there are certain cases in which we cannot always hope to be critical; and, keeping invariably in mind that with our meagre sources of information and conse- quent imperfect knowledge, we should, in all oriental research, doubt a great deal and assert very little, I have preferred following the example of the talented editor of the ^ INCERTI AucToris LIBER DE ExPUGNATIONE MEMPHIDIS ET ALEX- i ANDRLE,” and send forth this highly-interesting work simply | as one “ Commonly ascribed to al-Wagqidi.” | I could have wished that the two copies I have had at | my disposal had been somewhat more correct, and more care- ५ fully written; but considering that both MSS. are old, one indeed (the Damascus copy) older with one exception than any in the oriental libraries of Europe,—and from the great difference between them, it appearing not improbable that most copies had been taken considerable liberties with, I doubted whether it would be wise to defer publishing the text of a work, so long known to the European world through the pages of the late modest and respected Professor Ockley. Copies of this work are by no means rare, and are frequent- ly to be met with in the East. In European Libraries also there are, besides fragments, ten,* or more, copies, five of which
* Preface to Hamaker’s Fotooh al-Micr.
~ के oe ee र = ee = ~~ _— ४ ऋषीणा णीं
BIBLIOTHECA INDICA:
COLLECTION OF ORIENTAL WORKS
PUBLISHED UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE
Mon. Court of Wirectors of the Hast India Company, AND THE SUPERINTENDERNCE OF THE
ASTATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL.
THE CONQUEST OF SYRIA
ABOO ’ABD ALLAH MOHAMMAD ए. ‘OMAR AL-WAQIDI
Edited with Notes BY W. NASSAU LEES,
~~
42nd Regiment Bengal Light Infantry.
^“ 0 Ever-living Everlasting Being, Creator of the H eavens and the Earth! 0 Majestic and August Lord! O God! verily Thou hast vouchsafed unto us, through the mouth of Thy Prophet, the conquest of Syria and Persia. Assist, O Lord! those who acknowledge Thy Unity, against those who deny Thee. Assist xs, 0 God! against the Unbelievers.”’ Shorahbtl’s Prayer before Bocra.—See text, p. 47.
VOL. I... >, CALCUTTA: F. CARBERY, BENGAL MILITARY ORPHAN PRESS. 1854. < ~
eee t Cw